Profession as Group: Understanding Profession-Oriented Group Representation Concept Among General Public in China

1. Introduction

The politics of representation in China is featured by a weak (although strengthening) constituency connection while stressing group presentation of various forms (Manion, 2014; Huang and He, 2017; Lü et al., 2018; Heberer, 2019; Chen, 2022, 2023). This study specifically delves into a significant aspect of these forms, referred to as profession-oriented group representation (POGR). It is characterized by (1) granting seats to certain occupations to ensure their representation, thereby demonstrating a wide societal coverage among the deputies; (2) deputies representing the interests, and responding to the demands, of their occupation and profession, or, at the very least, prioritizing legislative affairs directly relevant to their occupational and professional concerns.

Although the characteristics are not exclusive to China (Norris and Lovenduski, 2004, p. 209; Loh and Civic Exchange, 2007; Ma, 2009), the case of China exhibits a unique discrepancy: although POGR has been practiced in representative bodies established both before and after 1954,¹ albeit in varying forms, it is not explicitly included in formal rules, particularly the Electoral Law. Article 24 of the Electoral Law states that “electoral districts may be zoned based on voters’ residences or on production units, institutions and work units”. It is noticeable that the primary criterion for drawing the boundaries of electoral districts remains geography. The inclusion of work units and similar entities in Article 24 is because some work units are of significant size and assume certain community functions, placing them in a comparable position to a geographically shaped community. Furthermore, according to Article 7 of the Electoral Law that defines the quotas system, there is no specific arrangement on professional quotas.

The discrepancy between formal rules and practice elicits potential damage to the politics of representation. Stressing deputies’ professional backgrounds cultivate corporatist linkages between enterprises and local authorities, as granting seats to the heads of major enterprises of the locality has been a common practice employed by the local authorities (Oi, 1992; Dickson, 2000; Zhang, 2017). Deputies of this kind may primarily focus on presenting proposals and bills related to their industry or profession, while potentially neglecting the interests of their constituents (Heberer, 2016). In certain cases, deputies explicitly advocate for the interests of the enterprises or departments they are associated with, and some deputies who are business owners may voice the concerns of their industry or business (Zhang, 2017).

As the following section will mention, extant research highlights the authority’s demand for political inclusion and the deputies’ own POGR concept as two factors linking to this discrepancy. Building upon research highlighting the role of the voter’s perception or political culture in shaping the behavior of the representatives (Flinders and Kelso, 2011; Leston-Bandeira, 2012; Geddes, 2023), this paper emphasizes another factor with less scholarly attention: the general public’s preference to the concept and practice of POGR.

We focus on this factor by analyzing internet forums across various industries, specifically focusing on the posts discussing the behavior of the deputies of the People’s Congress system (PCs) that consists of five tiers.² The analysis begins with a quantitative examination of the post content to test hypotheses, followed by a qualitative analysis aimed at uncovering the underlying mechanisms at play.

2. The POGR Concept and Practice

While the prevailing body of research on group representation predominantly concentrates on gender and ethnic minority groups (e.g., Mansbridge, 1999; Swain, 2006; Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2014; Hughes et al., 2019), scant attention is accorded to the POGR, with existing literature on the subject being notably dated (Douglas, 1923; Patterson, 1923; Loewenstein, 1937). In the same period of time, Chinese scholars have engaged in comparative analyses of the POGR institutional designs among different countries (Wang and Qian, 1998 [1927], pp. 148–151). This suggests a popularity of the POGR concept and its application as a remedial measure for addressing the constraints associated with geographical representation during the early 20th century. Presently, only the research on class representation, which arises not from natural distinctions (gender and ethnicity), but from societal factors, shares similar research focus (Wahrman, 1995; Elkjær and Iversen, 2020; Wuest and Pontusson, 2022).

Historically speaking, POGR was adopted in various blueprints for establishing or renewing an organ of representation in China since the early 20th century. Sun Yat-sen, the revolutionary statesman and the founding father of modern China, issued a speech in 1924 to suggest a gathering for a national conference and the Northern Expedition campaign against the warlords entrenched in northern China.³ It proposed the convening of a national conference based on professional groups across the country, showcasing the early recognition of POGR.⁴ In 1931, the Nationalist Party of China Central Government in Nanjing convened the National Assembly (Guomin Huiyi) for the first time. Notably, the allocation of seats in the Assembly prominently featured a strong POGR element. Subsequently, the KMT’s 1938 National Political Consultative Conference (Guomin Canzhenghui), the highest advisory body with representative characteristics, further practiced the POGR element within its organizational framework (Yongtae, 2017, pp. 37–46; Lee, 2022).

As a local authority, the Communist Party of China (CPC) since 1927 attempted to broaden the representation of its organs of representation by absorbing various social groups. This strategy, known as the United Front, aimed to strengthen the CPC by absorbing as many potential allies as possible in the society (Van Slyke, 1967, p. 250; Tanner, 1999, p. 18). In particular, widening the professional coverage of the deputies was an important consideration in the candidate nomination process that is primarily overseen by the CPC Organisation Department (Manion, 2008; He, 2010). The authority also made multiple adjustments to the list of the professions or industries designated for granting “safe seats”. For example, the authority highlighted model worker deputies involved in manual labor for an extended duration. However, a discernible shift marked by an increasing emphasis on augmenting the representation of deputies possessing technical expertise occurred in the 1980s. The 18th National Congress of the CPC then marked a renewed attention directed toward allocating seats to workers and farmers (Wang and Groot, 2018).

The United Front strategy endowed the CPC’s representative bodies with robust political inclusiveness and mobilization capabilities, providing substantial support for the CPC’s transformation from a local anti-establishment authority to the power holder of the entire country. It also played a crucial role in China’s modernization (Groot, 2004). Correspondingly, a large body of literature highlights the authority’s need for political inclusion in explaining the prevailing POGR practice in China’s representative politics (O’brien, 1990, p. 84, 172; Sun, 2014). Such strategy is also interpreted as the authoritarian powerholder’s strategic and limited sharing of political power and resource in exchange for support (Truex, 2014; Svolik, 2009), or offering a forum for discussion and negotiation among divergent interests (He and Thøgersen, 2010; Almen, 2013).

Despite the explanation from the powerholder perspective, the POGR practice can also be elucidated from the perspective of deputy behavior, with the primary focus on the linkage of the deputies’ own experience (e.g., education, career, and class affiliation) with their behavior of representation (Norris, 1997; Lowande et al., 2019). In the case of China, both interviews with deputies and memoirs written by deputies themselves indicate that deputies normally prioritize the issues germane to their respective professions or industries (Cai and Chu, 2020). Notably, certain deputies, particularly those recognized as model workers within their industries, perceive an obligation to leverage their professional expertise for the advancement of their industry. This commitment is manifested through the introduction of bills or proposals aimed at fostering industry development (Wang, 2014, p. 322). In general, deputies exhibit a degree of acceptance of the POGR concept, incorporating it into their practice to a certain extent. The inquiry into the deputies’ endorsement of this concept prompts consideration of two noteworthy research domains.

First, the part-time nature of deputies. Except for a few Standing Committee deputies, the majority of deputies in all five tiers of the PCs hold full-time positions outside of their deputy roles. This indicates that deputyship is not regarded as an independent profession or occupation in China. Even if elected from geographically delineated constituencies, deputies ultimately maintain their own primary occupations, which may influence their representation behavior (Cho, 2003; Huang and He, 2017).

Second, the nature of class conflict. Such explanation is underscored by the Marxist–Leninist viewpoint of representation. It argues that representative democracy of bourgeois countries masks the underlying class conflicts under the guise of institutional designs that reflect fairness, such as universal suffrage. However, the bourgeois that controls the parliaments cannot adequately represent the interests of proletarian voters (Lenin, 1918 [1935], pp. 23–32; Suvorov, 1982, p. 123). Building upon this argument, the viewpoint emphasizes the reestablishment of the representative organs in proletarian state, in order to ensure that political power is held by the proletariat. The deputies’ social identity, particularly as laborers or farmers, served as a prominent manifestation of their proletarian origin (McCormick, 2015).

The above-mentioned studies present the linkage of the ruling party and the deputies with the POGR. However, in order to frame the argument on the general public’s linkage to the POGR, the findings of the following two research focuses are highlighted in this paper.

First, the research on electoral quotas that showcase its dual benefits. In promoting responsiveness within the legislative process, they serve to safeguard the representation of minority or vulnerable groups by ensuring that their interests and demands are heard and addressed by the organs of representative (Kymlicka, 1995, pp. 131–138; Young, 2000, p. 141; Norris and Lovenduski, 2004, pp. 211–214; Hughes, 2011). It is also claimed that the electoral quotas contribute to enhancing the overall performance of legislative politics by incorporating diverse perspectives and providing opportunities for discussion and deliberation (Young, 1986; Hughes et al., 2019; Fallon and Kim, 2023). Together, these observations suggest that the public’s acceptance of POGR may be rooted in its capacity to influence the distribution of resources and raise awareness of certain issues in the legislative process, thereby benefiting disadvantaged groups. The underlying premise is grounded in the perception that certain professions or industries are inherently disadvantaged.

Second, the descriptive representation concept and its function. Descriptive representation refers to various forms of group representation that challenge the electoral mandate typically established between representatives and voters in geographic constituencies (Pitkin, 1967; Wängnerud, 2009). While numerous studies have highlighted the drawbacks of descriptive representation, including its failure to achieve effective representation and its limited presence in actual representative politics (Phillips, 1995, pp. 68–69), it is capable of improving certain societal groups’ evaluation on the politics of representation. The “empathy effect” typically provides an explanation to such effect, which emphasizes that representatives must possess the key characteristics of a specific social group in order to genuinely understand and represent the interests of that group (Kymlicka, 1995, p. 139; Mansbridge, 1999, 2000).

It is particularly worth highlighting that the research on either electoral quotas or descriptive representation normally encompasses the representation of gender and ethnicity. Its explanatory capacity in explaining the general public’s preference to the POGR is the focus of the proceeding analysis.

3. Quantitative Analysis

In the era of expanding cyber public space, various industries and professions in China have established industry-specific forums. These forums facilitate discussions of industry-specific issues, and the frequent visitors are often industry practitioners. This provides an ideal source of data for studying the public’s POGR concept.

3.1. Data and method

We visit the forums that correspond to each category of occupation displayed in the 2015 edition of Occupational Classification Code of the People’s Republic of China (Zhonghuarenmin Gongheguo Zhiye Fenlei Dadian). In each forum, we browse through threads of posts that discuss on or refer to the behavior of deputies for further analysis. If one profession is associated with multiple websites, we conduct research on all of them.

For all 84 occupations, 34 of which have at least one matching professional forum; the total of forums we study is 45. The reasons why some professions do not have matching forums are as follows. First, people in certain occupations are not encouraged or allowed to discuss their professional affairs publicly, such as the “chairperson of local democratic Parties and federations of industry and commerce”.⁵ Second, some forums lack discussions specifically related to deputy behavior. This is due to a lack of visitors or the forum’s focus being primarily on professional issues, especially in the science and technology field.

A total of 121 threads are identified across 45 forums dedicated to discussing deputy behaviors. Each thread comprises an opening post and is followed by approximately 10 replying posts responding to either the opening post or a post preceding it. It is noteworthy that the views and attitudes expressed in our threads exhibit a high degree of consistency, there are no mutual debates or conflicting emotions between the opening and replying posts.

Typically, the opening post articulates the poster’s opinions on a deputy’s behavior (e.g., a newspaper report on a deputy’s speech or proposal). The replying posts either express agreement with the opening post’s comments or strengthen the comments by providing their own experience. This structure enables us to regard each thread as an entity characterized by a shared argument and sentiment among the posts. Consequently, in the quantitative analysis, we employ threads as the primary analytical unit and undertake manual coding.⁶

3.2. Hypotheses and variables

This study employs binary logistic regression to analyze the codified data, primarily aiming at elucidating the genesis of the public’s POGR concept. Guided by the aforementioned two research focuses, four hypotheses are designed to test the linkage between the posters’ understanding of their profession and the concept of representation.

To test the hypotheses, we set the dependent variable as whether each thread displays the posters’ POGR concept, and introduce the following key explanatory variables (Table 1):

In addition, three control variables are added to reflect the impact of inter-professional differences. These variables include the average salary of the profession associated with the forum, the nature of labor involved (physical/mental), and the overall number of employees within the profession.⁷

3.3. Findings and discussion

The results of the regression analysis are presented in Table 2. Model 1 is the regression of four independent variables. Model 2 incorporates the quadratic term for the threads’ sentimental scale. Model 3 further considers three variables linked to inter-professional diversities.

The regression analysis partially supports hypothesis 1, as it reveals that increased engagement in the threads related to professional topics facilitates the expression of the POGR concept. However, this association is statistically weak in model 1 (at $p<0.1$ level) and loses significance in the latter two models. Hypothesis 2 is supported by a strong association between the posters’ professional expertise emphasis and the POGR concept.

Hypothesis 3 is supported. However, the statistical significance for both the threads’ evaluation and its quadratic term illustrates that a robust POGR concept is not solely engendered by threads wherein posters express pronounced dissatisfaction with deputies’ perceived lack of responsiveness to professional interests. Conversely, threads praising such responsiveness can also contribute to a heightened POGR concept, thus giving rise to a nonlinear relationship.

Hypothesis 4 is not supported by the data. Even when the posters in a thread claim that the deputies only represent their own interests or those of a small group (e.g., the company they run), the thread does not necessarily demonstrate the POGR concept. This suggests a nuanced and multifaceted mechanism concerning the public’s construction of the POGR concept, warning for attributing the concept’s development solely to the individual posters seeking deputies who mirror their own attributes.

Furthermore, considering the role of average salary as a proxy for social status within industries, the significant negative correlation between average industry salary and the POGR concept suggests an interplay between perceived professional status and representative preferences. More specifically, individuals perceiving their working industry as lower on the social hierarchy might be more prone to expressing the POGR concept.

4. Qualitative Analysis

Based on the above preliminary findings of regression analysis, we further perform text analysis on all the collected texts in an attempt to reveal the causal train behind them.

Informed by grounded theory methodology, the qualitative analysis in this study employs a two-stage coding process. In the initial open coding stage, we comprehensively examine the textual data, extracting potential factors related to the POGR concept. This involves particular attention to linguistic elements, including analogies, rhetoric, and metaphors, as they offer insights into the posters’ cognitive constructions and evaluations of their own roles and those of the PCs’ deputies. The subsequent axial coding stage focuses on identifying relationships and connections between these extracted factors. This iterative process aims to uncover the underlying causal mechanisms shaping the POGR concept’s manifestation in the data.

Overall, this study identifies five factors that are commonly found in the threads pertaining to the typical POGR concept, which can be categorized into two primary mechanisms.

4.1. Disadvantaged group with shared demand

The first mechanism, referred to as the “disadvantaged group with shared demand” (DGSD), is characterized by posters perceiving their profession or industry as a marginalized group within society and they firmly believe in the existence of a shared, unambiguous, and persistent demand in the industry that must be safeguarded.

The DGSD mechanism is formed by the combination of the following two factors. First, posters share a belief that their profession is socioeconomically disadvantaged. Consequently, they assert the imminence of having deputies from their industry to advocate on their behalf. An illustrative example of this perspective is evident in the following post taken from a seafarers’ forum:

Such an awareness is in line with the findings of the quantitative approach concerning the perception of the professional status and representative preferences. As has been mentioned earlier, ensuring the representation of the interests of disadvantaged groups in representative organs is one of the key reasons for quota systems in many countries. In our analysis, the posters’ awareness follows the similar logic. However, the differences are equally noteworthy. In general, gender and ethnic minorities are normally perceived to be vulnerable in representative politics and require protection from quota systems. Normally the electoral quotas do not include occupational and professional groups, as their interests are represented by organizations such as trade unions and industry associations; these groups also have their channels for legislative lobbying or may even recourse to strikes or other collective actions (Elsasser and Schafer, 2023). Within the specific context of China, however, the de facto marginalization of certain industries’ interests and demands fosters a sense of occupational marginalization among their workers (Qi et al., 2020). This perception is evident in our collected text, as exemplified by a statement within a seafarers’ forum: “We envy that there are ITF organizations in foreign countries to protect the rights and interests of seafarers” (Thread 1).

The second factor is that the posters adopt a perspective of conflicting interests, highlighting an argument that the deputies pursue the interests misaligned with those of the public. The substantial influence of the Communist class conflict concept is crucial to this perspective, as the posters distort the principal-agent relationship into one characterized as “the people versus ruling class”, or “laborers versus interest groups, capital or capitalists”. In this contradictory dynamic, posters contend that deputies lack an incentive to genuinely represent the public’s interests in their roles as bureaucrats, members of the ruling class, or even the “capitalists”. Typical texts illustrating this viewpoint are provided below (Thread 2):

One consequence of adopting the conflicting interests perspective is the emergence of a “pure people” concept among the posters. Borrowed from the study of populism, this notion posits a simplified societal dichotomy: a degenerate elite pitted against the “pure people” who possess a unified set of demands and interests. These demands often revolve around core populist themes, such as opposition to social inequality or immigration (Rooduijn, 2014; De Cleen and Stavrakakis, 2017).

Our analysis reveals a similar effect within the text, where deputies aligned with professional interests are lauded as “good deputies of the people.” In some cases, the word “we” is used to refer to the individuals in the industry, while “they” or “he” are used to indicate those deputies that lack responsiveness to the demands of the industry, such as “how can they help us without harming their own interests” (Thread 3). This rhetoric shows that the posters see themselves and the deputies as two completely different groups with their own interests to pursue.

To understand how the two factors foster the posters’ POGR concept, it is valuable to consider the two preconditions that legitimate various institutional designs of group representation. They are: (1) there exists a shared demand or interest within the group; otherwise, multiple and even contradictory demands within the group will render it meaningless to ensure the representation of this group; (2) there exists a mandate to secure that the deputies from this group will focus on representing such a demand or interest (Young, 1986). Obviously, only when the public believes that these two preconditions are met can the public develop a relatively strong POGR concept.

When institutions of group representation are designed for gender and ethnic minorities, the two preconditions are easy to meet. This is exemplified by the shared concerns of female voters regarding anti-domestic violence and anti-employment discrimination, which can motivate representatives from these groups to actively advocate for relevant legislation within their representative bodies (Chen and Jiang, 2023). However, they are less easy to meet if this extends to group representation based on profession, as there is no, or at least not apparent, sign of discrimination against a profession. Additionally, the factors such as competition among enterprises and regional differences in the industry make it difficult to form a common appeal among practitioners.

The DGSD mechanism thus offers an alternative approach to satisfy the two preconditions, thereby nurturing the posters’ POGR concept. First, the posters collectively acknowledge the societal and political disadvantages inherent in their respective professions. This engenders a shared awareness similar to that observed among marginalized groups such as women or ethnic minorities. For instance, it is found that individuals within the medical industry share common demands centered around ameliorating labor intensity and ensuring personal safety and security.

Second, the concept of “pure people” cultivates a perception akin to the descriptive representation concept. This perception underscores the necessity for deputies hailing from the pertinent profession — rather than individuals perceived as “bureaucrats” or “capitalists” who lack a mandate to respond to industrial interests — to address the shared demands. The emphasis is on a form of representation that aligns closely with the unique concerns and perspectives of the professional group in question.

4.2. Multiple misperceptions about representation

The public’s three major misperceptions about China’s politics of representation constitute the second mechanism that fosters the public’s POGR concept.

The first misperception is about the electoral system in China. It is normally found from the posts with clear POGR concept that the posters are ignorant about China’s geographic electoral system and take industry and profession as the basis for allocating seats. A salient example states that “those who are engaged in singing and dancing have their own deputies, but our veterans have not” (Thread 4).

This misperception is associated to the posters’ dissatisfaction with the deputies to introduce bills or proposals that are not related to their profession or industry. For example, in a thread discussing a news report that a deputy from the army introduces a proposal on carbon reduction and environmental protection, the posters criticize the deputy of being “dog catches rat (literally means poke one’s nose into other people’s business)”, and “it will cause the deputies in the environmental protection industry to feel insulted” (Thread 5). In another case from an architecture industry forum, a media report is discussed that a deputy introduced a draft a bill of Housing Demolition and Relocation Management Law to prevent the involving households to claim for excessive subsidies. In their discussion, one poster remind that the deputy is a professional painter; the poster then comment that “the painter should eventually concentrate on painting” (Thread 6). Similarly, a post from food industry forum complains that “deputies from pharmaceutical industry are concerned about food issues, and sure enough, there is no good performance” (Thread 7).

Second, the posters emphasize the deputies’ imperative to act as mandated representatives of their constituents’ preferences and demands. This constraint on deputies’ independent opinion formation highlights a specific manifestation of the delegate model of representation (Judge, 1999). Posters espousing this view often concurrently endorse the POGR concept and express scepticism toward a Burkean trustee model, fearing that deputies operating under such a model might prioritize personal interests over professional needs. Notably, this industry-based understanding of representative politics in China appears to fuel the posters’ preference for the delegate model, leading to a strong expectation that deputies prioritize and respond directly to the demands of their sector or industry:

Third, the posters believe that a deputy must be highly professional or experienced in his or her profession to be competent for the deputy role, as the posters expressing typical POGR concept normally explain why the deputies’ proposals do not reflect or even go against the urgent needs of the industry on the grounds that they lack professionalism in the industry. For example, in a thread from a lorry drivers’ forum discussing a deputy proposal on a vehicle regulation, the posters criticize the proposal for potentially harming the interest of lorry drivers by the word like “those experts don’t drive lorry,” and “it is the layman who determines the laws and regulations of our profession” (Thread 10). It is noteworthy that in the quoted text, and similarly in other places of our data, the posters implicitly employ the term “expert” when referring to deputies. This frequent use of “expert” further supports the notion that professional knowledge is central to the deputies’ perceived role.

In the same vein, once a deputy claims the interests of a profession or industry, the posters may choose to highlight his or her expertise. In one case, the posters in a poultry farming forum cite a news report that a deputy who chaired an agricultural company called for a change of policy to alleviate the impact of avian influenza on poultry farming industry, and praise the deputy as “really rare to have an expert come out from our industry and say right words, strongly support” (Thread 11) !

The three misperceptions act above as three factors to form a second mechanism that fosters the public’s POGR concept. To be specific, the misperception about the electoral system leads them to believe that seats are allocated according to industry, and the candidates are selected within the industry. The posters’ preference to the delegate model of representation provides a belief that deputies selected from the industry should act on behalf of the industrial interest. The posters’ stress on deputies’ expertise means that the posters lose trust in the deputies who are not from their own industry, reinforcing their desire for POGR institutional designs that ensure experts from their industry to become PCs deputies. It also echoes the findings in the quantitative analysis that the posters who express strong POGR concept in a thread normally stress their expertise in the corresponding industry.

5. Concluding Remarks

Figure 1 summarizes the causal chain of the five factors that eventually forms two mechanisms. It is worth noting that although each of the mechanism may independently lead to the posters’ POGR concept, threads are also witnessed that both mechanism function simultaneously.

According to the identification of the types of political orientation by Almond and Verba (1965, p. 15), the five factors pertain to the area of cognitive orientation. In specific, the two factors that constitute the DGSD mechanism can be regarded as the posters’ self-cognition, while the other three that constitute the mechanism of multiple misperceptions links to the posters’ cognition of the representative politics in China. The complexity of the causal train suggests that the public’s POGR concept cannot be simply understood by the logic of group representation on socially disadvantaged groups, which avoids the simple conclusion that the public may be satisfied to know there are deputies from the same profession in the PCs.

The fact that the cognitive factors shape the public’s POGR concept suggests strategies for potential improvement. Educational initiatives and institutional reforms that enhanced transparency, deputy-voter interaction, and responsiveness could contribute to redress the public’s misconceptions of representative politics in China. However, addressing deeply rooted self-cognitions remains a significant challenge. The socio-economic landscape in China, influenced by the Covid-19 pandemic and a potential slowdown in economic growth of recent years, could exacerbate existing inequalities and fuel perceptions of class conflict, exploitation and even populism. In light of these challenges, it is likely that the POGR concept will remain a prominent factor influencing public attitudes toward Chinese representative politics, highlighting the need for further research and nuanced policy approaches.

Moreover, our investigation unveils the unique and intricate nature of the representation concept in China. The limited avenues for the expression and rectification of injustices within these political systems significantly shape the distinct expectations held by the public regarding representative politics and the conduct of their representatives, which is necessary to consider when contemplating strategies to enhance the quality of representative democracy in these contexts.

Notes