Narrow Results

This study delves into the trade dynamics of Southeast Asian countries in response to the trade dispute between the United States (US) and the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Our analysis uncovers diverse patterns of trade diversion effects among eight Southeast Asian countries, revealing significant disparities in their reactions to this trade dispute. Specifically, we observe Viet Nam’s substantial export growth to both the US and the PRC, influenced by geopolitical uncertainties and strategic relocations. Thailand, on the other hand, experiences positive effects on its exports to the US, potentially due to trade diversion, alongside diminishing exports to the PRC. Moreover, we find sector-specific trends, such as an upsurge in machinery exports from Viet Nam, Thailand, and Indonesia. In contrast, Brunei Darussalam, Indonesia, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, and Singapore largely sustained their respective export levels to the US. Our findings highlight the importance of tailored trade policies that consider each Southeast Asian country’s unique industrial structure and degree of global value chain integration.

We analysed the factors influencing the level of cross-border tourism from Brunei Darussalam to Eastern Malaysia based on a random survey of 675 Bruneian residents returning from land and sea trips to Eastern Malaysia and using simple statistical and multiple regression analysis. The results revealed that the age of the respondents, personal income, perceived quality of Eastern Malaysia as a better place to rest and relax, perceived quality of goods and services in Eastern Malaysia, use of alcohol by respondents and having family members and friends living in Eastern Malaysia were significant factors affecting the number of visits to Eastern Malaysia. This analysis was based on visits over the 12-month period prior to the survey, a period of relative price stability. Regression analysis of personal expenditures on goods and services of respondents during their most recently completed trip indicated that personal income, travelling with friends, number of days spent on the trip, perception of Eastern Malaysia as a better place to rest and relax and use of public transport were the significant factors affecting expenditures. We estimated that Bruneian residents spent about B$426 million a year on goods and services while visiting Eastern Malaysia, and this amount accounted for roughly 5.7% of Brunei's gross domestic product (GDP) in the year 2000.

Relatively little is known about the determinants of inequality in Southeast Asia. This paper fills this void by comprehensively testing Kuznets' hypothesis for Southeast Asia. We estimate both unconditional and conditional Kuznets' curves using panel data for 8 countries. The analysis suggests the existence of a Kuznets' curve with respect to per capita income; the path of inequality is non-linear with respect to economic development. There is no evidence of a Kuznets curve with respect to non-agricultural employment. There is some evidence in terms of urbanization, though this is not robust. There is robust evidence on the role of national governments and education in shaping the path of inequality in the region. Government involvement reduces inequality. Education appears to have a non-linear effect on inequality.

Using finely disaggregated data at six-digit harmonized code classification level, this paper examines the patterns and determinants of horizontal and vertical intra-industry trade in the automobile and electrical appliances sectors during the past few decades among the six major Southeast Asian countries. It is found from the analysis of the data that intra-industry trade is much higher than the inter-industry trade in each of these two sectors. Further, the determinants of these two types of trade are found to differ somewhat in terms of sign and magnitude across the sectors, implying the importance of sector-specific factors as influences on the pattern of trade.

Southeast Asian economic sentiments toward China tend to dither between competitive and cooperative instincts. Initial warmth among the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) members toward the China-led Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is slowly giving way to project-related concerns as well as fears that “China is buying the world”. This paper examines Chinese outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) in global and ASEAN contexts shortly after the start of the country’s “going out” strategy. The analysis draws on country- and firm-level investment data. It shows that a handful of ASEAN economies have become more important to Chinese investors as their motivations, capabilities and needs evolve. Nonetheless, with the exception of three (Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar), ASEAN economies have not become “reliant” on Chinese investment post-BRI launch, once one considers the increased weight China carries as a foreign investor in the developing world. This is either because these countries generally do not rely on FDI, or because traditional foreign investors from industrialized economies and more advanced ASEAN member states are far more entrenched than Chinese investors in the host economies.

Investing in Technology for Water Sustainability.

Water Policy Response to Water Scarcity and Future Climate Change Impacts.

Recirculation Aquaculture Systems (RAS): An Opportunity for the SE Asian Aquaculture Industry.

How to make value-based care a reality?

Impactful interventions to maximise healthspan.

Viral hepatitis in Arkhangai: How Asia’s first micro-treatment program’s successes can be leveraged to treat a “silent killer”.

The long-suffering challenge of vaccination.

Over the past three decades, Taiwan has been struggling to gain an advantage and develop its role in Asia. This island has strived to balance its asymmetric relationship with China by engaging in regional integration in Southeast Asia and beyond. In the 1990s, the Taiwan government initiated the first wave of its Go South Policy aimed at building links at business and government levels with that region. The institutional and social legacy of the Go South Policy contributed to the making of the New Southbound Policy (NSP) which was proposed toward the end of 2015. This paper will unpack Taiwan’s presence in Southeast Asia by highlighting the international socialization process of the NSP and Taiwan’s strategic interaction with the region. It consists of four sections: the first section introduces the concept of international socialization. The second section discusses the positioning of Taiwan’s previous Go South policies. Starting with the shift from a mentality of “Taiwanese Asia” (Taiwan de yazhou, 臺灣的亞洲) to one of “Asian Taiwan” (Yazhou de Taiwan, 亞洲的臺灣), it describes in detail how Taiwan’s successive southward engagement initiatives have blended into the international socialization processes in the region. The third section highlights the relationships the policy’s key actors and stakeholders, including transnational actors, are establishing with their counterparts in Southeast Asia and the new social linkages that are currently being promoted. This includes the activities of Taiwanese residents in Southeast Asia and Southeast Asian migrants in Taiwan. The paper concludes by summarizing Taiwan’s international socialization in Asia.

This paper examines how China has successfully translated its economic might into political clout in Laos and Cambodia. The country’s role as a major trading partner, foreign investor, and provider of aid to both countries has contributed substantially to their national development. This massive influx of Chinese investment and aid has also yielded positive results, as both countries have demonstrated a more accommodating attitude toward Beijing on a variety of issues. However, Chinese economic statecraft has had differing degrees of influence on the foreign policymaking of Laos and Cambodia, particularly with regard to their foreign policies toward Vietnam, a critical secondary state in Southeast Asia. While Cambodia has been less hesitant to bandwagon with China, Laos is still seeking to balance between China and Vietnam. This paper argues that Laos and Cambodia’s existing perceptions of Vietnam dictate in part how they respond to China’s economic inducements and affect the outcomes of Chinese economic statecraft.

Chinese identity in Southeast Asia has become complex and multifaceted over the past few decades. The Chinese diaspora in Southeast Asia has faced political challenges that pressure acculturation and assimilation, transforming its identity. This critical literature review outlines how Chinese identity in Southeast Asia has been viewed in connection with international relations and global politics. Using a taxonomic approach to scholarly works on the subject, the findings show that Chinese identity in Southeast Asia is a multi-dimensional one composed of diverse and unique community identities. Chinese identity is also viewed as a spectrum that is imagined both by nation-states and the community itself. Consequently, members of the Chinese diaspora are not simply viewed as actors, agents, or political instruments in international politics but also as independent subjects with their own stories and experiences.

This study proposes that cooperative efforts in microlending aid economic development and poverty alleviation in transitioning and developing countries by creating networking systems in which people can expand their businesses through working capital and community cooperation. Two field studies are used to validate the authors' claims. The first examines a microfinance cooperative structure in Bulgaria as a means to secure credit, savings, technical support and networking opportunities for cooperative members. The second looks at a cooperative microfinance institution in the Philippines that appears to create greater socio-economic growth for poor entrepreneurs as well as NGO financial viability. Both studies suggest that cooperative microlending leads to high survival rates and success of self-employed entrepreneurs by facilitating social capital through their organizational processes.

The authors searched for economic determinants of bilateral foreign direct investment (FDI) in 15 East and Southeast Asian economies between 1990 and 2005. Estimation results from a gravity model using market access, comparative advantage and policy-driven incentives as variables suggest that multinational companies inside and outside the region had dissimilar FDI incentives and concerns regarding relative factor costs, import duties, geographic distance, and language. In addition, the results suggest a positive relationship between increased regional trade and FDI in East and Southeast Asia.

This paper explores how southeast Asia farmers adapt to climate change. We develop three models: a logit model of livestock choice, an OLS model of total livestock value, and a multinomial logit model of species choice. The data were collected from five countries in Southeast Asia. We find that climate has a significant impact on farmers’ livestock choice. We use three climate projections to predict future impacts. Climate change would increase the probability of raising livestock. However, the total value of livestock owned per livestock farm will shrink 9%–10%. Climate change will cause farmers to choose smaller animals such as ducks, goats, and chicken rather than larger animals.

This paper analyzes the challenges, prospects, and security policies of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Political-Security Community within the ASEAN through a review of regional studies, an evaluation of theoretical approaches in the context of international relations, and an examination of case studies related to regional security in Southeast Asia. The challenges faced are complex, including China’s growing influence, unresolved regional disputes, the strict principle of noninterference in the internal affairs of member states, and ASEAN’s inability to safeguard human rights in the region. Through case study analysis, this paper concludes that the principle of multilateralism is being tested by the complex relationships and interactions among the states within ASEAN. Measuring the progress of security cooperation within the ASEAN cooperation framework has proven difficult due to the complexity of geopolitical and geoeconomic interests, as well as territorial boundaries. ASEAN’s inherently weak foundation further complicates this assessment. Moreover, regional developments have limited ASEAN’s capacity to fulfill its fundamental objective of building a stable political environment in Southeast Asia. Ongoing developments in the region have constrained ASEAN’s capacity to effectively fulfill its core mission of creating a stable political environment in the region.

This paper looks into the case of Southeast Asian states’ policy of hedging toward the U.S.-China competition. It examines Indonesian and Vietnamese similar approach to their respective relations with China and the United States in a shifting regional landscape, despite the fact that the two Southeast states have different ideologies and political systems. The authors argue that the fear of abandonment and entrapment drives the Southeast Asian states’ policy preferences to ensure that the United States and China accommodate their interests. Historical baggage, especially the negative historical experiences of both countries with the United States and China, also inhibits the formation of military alliances with the superpowers. This paper compares the two influential Southeast Asian countries in detail and avoids “regional generalizations” about the countries in the region.

This paper discusses how China’s “Belt and Road Initiative” (BRI) can shed light on the issue of urbanization and agricultural development in Southeast Asia. The BRI is often understood to mean infrastructure projects, such as the building of high-speed railways and modern ports. This inter-pretation does not fully take into account the potential economic prospects between China and the BRI-participating countries. By revisiting Harvard-trained Economist Chang Pei-kang’s pioneering theory on Agriculture and Industrialization, we argue that agriculture rather than urbanization needs to be considered as the foundation for sustainable economic development in Southeast Asia. Advancements in agricultural development through BRI projects will improve not only the livelihoods of rural farmers in Southeast Asia, but also our global ecosystems. Turning the focus to agriculture can assist Southeast Asian countries in exploring their own development paths and avoiding repeated setbacks from fresh financial and global crises.

This paper aims to describe the reason of China to change its governance of investment mainly the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in Southeast Asia. Although many countries in this region need huge investment to improve and build their infrastructure as well as infrastructure’s connectivity between countries, there is some fear involving China’s investment in the past. These are unintended consequences of China’s investment on environmental, social, and debt-trap in certain poor countries. Nevertheless, there is still hope for better Chinese investment such as consideration of local people’s aspirations and more transparency. At the regional level, the BRI can synergize with local connectivity initiatives, such as the Master Plan on ASEAN Connectivity (MPAC) and Indonesia’s Global Maritime Fulcrum, and encourage the integration of the ASEAN Economic Community. Different from the previous studies, this paper also uses the historical approach by learning the relation between China and Southeast Asian countries in the past. Our argument is Southeast Asian countries do not need to fear Chinese economic expansions based on history that China is not a political threat in the region. However, China should change the governance of BRI to accommodate the interest of people in Southeast Asian countries.

Vietnam and India became exceptional friends in the context of globalization and global and regional security in the Indo-Pacific Ocean. India paid a significant consideration to South East Asia and expanded its role in this region in the early 21st century. Meanwhile, Vietnam is one country that experienced a thriving economy in its international and regional integrations. This country has a pressing demand for bilateral and multilateral cooperation with all countries in the world. Especially, the objective of rising India’s soft power along with its hard power contributed to promoting India’s benefits and involvement in Southeast Asia and Vietnam. Likewise, Vietnam has been fully aware of India’s intervention in disputes in the South China Sea and its well-meaning plans to tighten relations with Vietnam over various fields. Vietnam considered India as a partner to conduct Vietnam’s soft power. Since Strategic Partnership (2007), Vietnam has accelerated this relation through cultural exchanges, cultural projects, and shared values of Indian culture. Thus, the image of Vietnam becomes familiar to Indian people. Likewise, India encouraged Vietnam to hold cultural events and academic seminars to exchange ideologies, opinions, and plans for many domains. Vietnam is also a goal of India’s soft power in Southeast Asia. This paper aims to examine cultural diplomacy in Vietnam’s foreign policy in Vietnam–India diplomatic relations mainly based on theories of Liberalism, public diplomacy, and soft power. Thus, it clarifies cultural diplomacy in Vietnam and India’s foreign policy. Finally, the author would like to anticipate the scenario of Vietnam–India cultural diplomacy in the future.

Due to climate change, the world is experiencing a great transition in how nations pursue, distribute, and utilize resources. However, a more pressing concern posed by climate change is its exacerbation of environmental inequality, which is unevenly burdening economically marginalized countries. Among those in the marginalized group, India and its neighboring countries in the South and Southeast Asian regions have been classified as particularly vulnerable to climate change-induced risks. Focusing on state fragility as a main cause of a country’s climate change vulnerability, this research seeks to examine which configurations of state fragility dimensions contribute to heightened climate vulnerability in the regions through the utilization of fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis (fs/QCA). The analysis suggests that when countries exhibit (1) lower levels of fragility in cohesion and social dimensions combined with higher levels of economic, political, and external intervention dimensions of state fragility; or (2) higher levels of cohesion, economic, political, social, and external intervention dimensions, they suffer from a heightened level of climate change vulnerability. In light of the findings, this research proposes that policymakers in India and its neighboring countries implement policies that foster inclusive growth, enhance their democratic governance, and leverage international regional organizations to address vulnerability to climate change.

The severe impact of the COVID-19 pandemic highlighted the importance of public health management for the economy and society in every country. It also proved the necessity of international cooperation in the health sector to deal with global health challenges and realize sustainable development. As one of the major players in global health governance, China has made significant contributions to anti-COVID cooperation through the Health Silk Road, a key component of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Beijing’s vaccine cooperation was particularly noteworthy in Southeast Asia, a very important region in China’s BRI design. The bilateral vaccine collaboration between China and regional states has provided good experiences for regional health cooperation and paved the way for the further promotion of the Health Silk Road in the post-pandemic era.