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In the modern world, several areas of our lives can be improved, in the form of diverse additional dimensions, in terms of quality, by machine learning. When building machine learning models, open data are often used. Although this trend is on the rise, the monetary losses since the attacks on machine learning models are also rising. Preparation is, thus, believed to be indispensable in terms of embarking upon machine learning. In this field of endeavor, machine learning models may be compromised in various ways, including poisoning attacks. Assaults of this nature involve the incorporation of injurious data into the training data rendering the models to be substantively less accurate. The circumstances of every individual case will determine the degree to which the impairment due to such intrusions can lead to extensive disruption. A modus operandi is proffered in this research as a safeguard for machine learning models in the face of the poisoning menace, envisaging a milieu in which machine learning models make use of data that emanate from numerous sources. The information in question will be presented as training data, and the diversity of sources will constitute a barrier to poisoning attacks in such circumstances. Every source is evaluated separately, with the weight of each data component assessed in terms of its ability to affect the precision of the machine learning model. An appraisal is also conducted on the basis of the theoretical effect of the use of corrupt data as from each source. The extent to which the subgroup of data in question can undermine overall accuracy depends on the estimated data removal rate associated with each of the sources described above. The exclusion of such isolated data based on this figure ensures that the standard data will not be tainted. To evaluate the efficacy of our suggested preventive measure, we evaluated it in comparison with the well-known standard techniques to assess the degree to which the model was providing accurate conclusions in the wake of the change. It was demonstrated during this test that when the innovative mode of appraisal was applied, in circumstances in which 17% of the training data are corrupt, the degree of precision offered by the model is 89%, in contrast to the figure of 83% acquired through the traditional technique. The corrective technique suggested by us thus boosted the resilience of the model against harmful intrusion.

In this paper, we consider the issue of digital camera identification based on images. This topic matches the area of digital forensics. The problem is well known in the literature and many algorithms based on camera’s fingerprint have been proposed. In this paper, we discuss the digital camera identification based on convolutional neural networks (CNN). CNNs are state-of-the-art method in computer vision and are widely utilized in many applications. Our goal is to find out whether it is possible to speed up the process of learning the networks by the images. We conduct a set of representative experiments which show that replacing the ReLU with SELU activation function and adjusting the network’s hyperparamethers (e.g. learning rate) may have a significant impact on reduction time of learning. We also consider using the dropout layer. The experiments are held on representative image dataset, consisting of many images coming from modern cameras and show effectiveness of our propositions.

Three major factors have made closer China-UK cooperation on African peace and security not only desirable but also feasible: expanding convergence of outlook and overlap of interests, the pan-African vision of peace and development as outlined in Agenda 2063, and the launch of a global comprehensive strategic partnership between Beijing and London. At the same time, the increasing securitization of Britain’s aid policy, Africans’ growing concern about unwarranted external intervention in continental affairs, and disparate development priorities may present significant challenges for closer trilateral coordination. The prospects of China-UK cooperation on African peace and security depend on whether Beijing and London can narrow differences, achieve policy alignment, and build a multilayered security cooperation mechanism. This article proposes three priorities where closer three-way coordination can contribute to African peace and security: a regularized China-UK-Africa peace dialogue, a development-centered approach to conflict prevention and response, and increased cooperation on nontraditional security risks.

The Northeast Asian security landscape is fast evolving amid intensifying China-U.S. strategic competition and a still raging coronavirus pandemic. Frequent summit meetings among regional leaders, including the historic meetings between Donald Trump and Kim Jong-un, have not translated into broader security dialogues and joint efforts to build a robust and durable regional security architecture. Divergent security perceptions, America’s dominant security role, and a mosaic pattern of regional security arrangements and mechanisms are the major factors shaping Northeast Asian security dynamics. Beijing remains committed to the declared path of peaceful development amid growing suspicion and concern over its strategic intention and capabilities; with strategic patience and perseverance, it is determined to play a larger role in forging consensus, building institutions, advancing cooperation, and coordinating relations in regional security matters.

In this article, the political–security relations between the United States and Pakistan in the Post-Cold War era are analyzed. The allied relationship between the two countries during the Cold War was abruptly disrupted following the conclusion of the Cold War in 1991 and the United States imposed a series of sanctions against Pakistan following the nuclear issue in 1990. However, the September 11 attacks of 2001 and the global anti-terrorism war launched by the G. W. Bush government resumed the relationship. Again, Pakistan became one of the principal allies of the United States and bilateral political–security relations were promoted unprecedentedly thanks to their collaboration against terrorism. The war against terrorism, however, has also produced many contradictions, which brought the relationship between the two countries into disputes and crises. This article discusses the U.S.–Pakistan relations in the Post-Cold War Era with special attention to the political–security aspects. Attempts will be made to clarify the nature, impacts and tendencies of the relationship. The U.S.–Pakistan relationship is a typical example of the international relationship between a superpower and a middle power, and it is also typical of the U.S.’s changing alliance relations.

Adverse climate change is more than an environmental concern. The are several consequential outcomes of climate change such as loss of oil wealth, depletion of scarce resources, decline in sources of livelihood, property loss, water shortages, and land scarcity. Secondary effects could include increased mortality, deteriorating health, hunger, poverty, inequality, and financial hardship. Studies over the years have shown that climate change could also precipitate conflicts and lead to displacements. For many women in conflict situations, it is difficult to access medical care, especially reproductive healthcare. Amid efforts to contain insecurity and its devastating effect, the government often loses sight of the vulnerabilities of women and girls, whose reproductive health challenges have been exacerbated by the effects of climate change. Men and women may encounter health challenges in climate change-induced conflict situations however, women may be affected more differently than men. Specific healthcare services, treatments, and commodities for women’s general and reproductive/sexual health are often ignored despite the need for healthcare, menstrual hygiene products, health education, and general health supplies in times of conflict. In addition to the associated conflict-related risk, women may face a heightened risk of rape and other sexual-related violence. The risk to women and girls may further increase if resources are diverted from sexual and reproductive health care to respond to the insecurity and crises or where the supply chain is affected by climate change-induced conflicts. This study examines the challenges that women face in climate change-induced conflict and post-conflict situations, particularly as it affects their reproductive health rights. It further argues that the realization that women’s reproductive and sexual health in a climate change-induced conflict setting is a human right that warrants concerted attention. Ultimately, it advocates for gender-sensitive responses to the reproductive and sexual health of women and girls as a matter of fundamental human right.