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Afghanistan faces serious challenges in terms of food security, which highlights the importance of agricultural productivity growth. This study assessed the impact of technical efficiency (TE) of wheat production on farmers’ household food security by improving food production using ex-post non-experimental data from Takhar Province, Afghanistan. Our empirical approach is based on the Cobb–Douglas stochastic frontier model and the Household Food Insecurity Access Scale (HFIAS). We found that farmers’ TE significantly improved farmers’ households’ food security by improving food production. Furthermore, the average TE score of food-secure farmers was 72.0%, whereas that of food-insecure farmers was 66.2%, and the difference was statistically significant. In conclusion, our findings underscore the essential role of improving farmers’ TE in enhancing food security in farming households in Afghanistan.

By means of evidence-driven and declaratively implemented social simulation, we grow qawm — solidarity networks in Afghanistan. The study of qawm lends insight into the structural and processual dynamics of Afghan society. In particular, we concentrate on the evolution of power structures. An agent-based computational model is presented whose ontology borrows from neopatrimonialism, a notion of power prevalent in contemporary conflicts. In this model, agents' structural arrangement, behavior and cognition are informed by qualitative data derived from case studies on Afghanistan. The simulation results suggest that the emergence of qawm and, hence, the fragmentation of Afghan society are systemic and lead to a constant drain of resources. Cross-validation between the simulated network and a target system network reveals that qawm exhibit small world characteristics.

This paper analyzes the motivations of eight female Afghan entrepreneurs to start up their own business and the problems they encountered during start-up and operations. Income generation was the most important push factor but pull factors including desire for independence and autonomy were also important. However, in contrast to studies in other countries, the desire for achievement was not emphasized. An unexpected finding was the emphasis on the desire to help non-family members by running a business. The main problems included financial problems during start-up and operations, lack of contacts and security during operations. Gender-specific problems included limited market, mobility constraints and negative attitudes and lack of social acceptance for female entrepreneurs. The paper concludes with a discussion of the findings.

The Minaret of Jam in Afghanistan was recently included in UNESCO's List of World's Endangered Monuments. The minaret is the world's second tallest (~60 m) after the Qutub Minar in New Delhi and it is also one of the oldest (~800 years). It is situated at the centre of the Hindukush range in the Ghor Province at the junction of Rivers Hari-Rud and Jam-Rud, at an elevation of 1900 m. The Minaret of Jam is in danger of collapse due to a 3.4° northward inclination inducing high stresses in its deteriorated brick masonry. The precarious conditions of the monument render it highly vulnerable to earthquakes. Therefore prior to any intervention to protect it, an assessment of the seismic hazard at the site, followed by an evaluation of the tower's seismic vulnerability, is of foremost importance. This article illustrates the results of the seismic hazard assessment of the archaeological site of Jam using both the probabilistic explanation (PSHA) and the deterministic explanation (DSHA) approaches. Uncertainty in PSHA has been handled within a logic-tree framework. Uniform hazard response spectra have been computed for return periods of 72, 224, 475 and 975 years. The earthquake input defined by the seismic hazard assessment of Jam has then been used to perform the dynamic analysis of the minaret. The latter has been carried out using a lumped mass approach and a 3D finite element model, accounting in both cases for dynamic soil-structure interaction.

Health inequities are explained by the structural and material determinants of health, so an endeavour to achieve good health for the population calls for an examination of such determinants in the country. However, very little is known about the scenario for this in a post-conflict situation. This study examines the distribution of health determinants, identifies the relationship between the structural and material determinants of health, and estimates the effects of the districts on health determinants in Afghanistan. We use probit regression models on the household sample survey data of 2009, 2010 and 2011. The unequal distribution of both structural and material determinants is found to be a contentious issue for the country. The regression results show that the financial improvement and improvement in the overall conditions of the households have a significant positive association with all the material determinants of health for the population, including freedom of movement in a post-conflict country. The effects of the districts are significant for all the determinants of health. Freedom of movement is found to be the most important time invariant structural determinant that affects all the material determinants of the health of the Afghan population. This study indicates the linkages between geographical and socioeconomic variances with the determinants of health in Afghanistan. We intend to re-examine the way in which health is conceptualized within the development framework for the nation.

This study aims to empirically investigate the impact of a set of macroeconomic variables including balance of trade, FDI, exchange rate, and inflation on the balance of payments (BOP) of Afghanistan using quarterly data from the second quarter of 2004 to the fourth quarter of 2020 (2004Q2 to 2020Q4). The paper uses the Vector Error Correction Model (VECM), and Johansen co-integration test for analysis to explore the BOP of Afghanistan and provides comparable literature to other least-developed and low-income developing countries. The findings reveal that balance of trade (BOT), foreign direct investment (FDI), and exchange rate are significant determinants of Afghanistan’s BOP in the long run. More specifically, BOT and FDI positively impact the BOP, whereas the effect of the exchange rate on the BOP is found negative. Yet, inflation has an insignificant impact on the BOP. Though all variables have an insignificant impact on the BOP in the short run, the relevant policy measures ought to consider improvement in BOT, promoting FDI, and exchange rate stability to ensure synchronized improved BOP and economic growth.

The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is a flagship project under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI); and its launch in 2015 was regarded as a landmark event in the history of the Sino-Pakistani relationship. With a budget amounting to over $62 billion, it has become the foremost regional integration initiative between China and Pakistan. The project is also open to all interested regional stakeholders, among which Central Asia is one of the most important in geopolitical terms. Located in a landlocked but resource-rich region, Central Asian countries need better access to regional markets including Pakistan, China, India, and the countries of West Asia. Pakistan and China have huge energy demands that can be satisfied by growing trade with Central Asia. Thus, the CPEC will not only benefit Pakistan and China, but it also presents a strategic opportunity for Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, and Tajikistan to transport their goods more easily and gain competitiveness in regional and global markets.

The South Asia subcontinent is witnessing new security and political dynamics after the United States withdrew its troops in mid-2021. Even as the Taliban-led government is stepping up engagement with the outside world to earn wider diplomatic recognition and exhibit its governing credentials, Beijing and New Delhi are adjusting their regional policies in a bid to acquire more influence in a changing geopolitical landscape. Assuming nation states to be rational actors, this paper uses the stag hunt game to analyze the potential maximum payoffs for Beijing, Kabul, and New Delhi, respectively, if they could make the right strategic calculations about their short-term interests and long-term goals. Even though the subcontinent is not immune to the effect of great power rivalry that is unfolding on the world stage, regional stakeholders could still choose to cooperate on issues of common concern while limiting the fallout of competition and confrontation on other more contentious challenges.

Historically, Afghanistan has remained an active and one of the determining factors in shaping regional power structure. The U.S. withdrawal from the country is regarded as a turning point in the ongoing regional realignment process. Once the allies in the United States’ “War on Terror” campaign like Russia, Iran, Qatar, and Central Asian Republics have changed their side and are working very actively with the Taliban regime. These countries even consider the regime as the only option that has the capacity to address their national security threats arising from the country. Considering the situation and India’s strained relations with the Taliban, Pakistan, and China, will Iran emerge as a crucial ally for India in safeguarding its national interests and maintaining its strategic influence in Afghanistan and the wider region? This paper aims to analyze how a Taliban-led Afghanistan could impact India’s relationship with Iran. The research adds a new dimension to the analysis of India and Iran relations and highlights the significance of Iran for India in changing regional and global power structures. The research method was based on the review of research articles, reports both governmental and non-governmental, and surveys published in newspapers. The qualitative analysis clarifies and deepens the understanding of the issue.

The revival of the Taliban and their rapid domination of Afghanistan shocked the world. It is a response to the chronic historical, political and social crises of the Afghan society, which is still in geopolitical and strategic confusion and disorder. Using the analytical descriptive method, the present study attempts to answer the question related to the causes of the reemergence of the Taliban based on Thomas Spragens’ crisis theory. The research hypothesis states that the conflict between political actors and the creation of a political deadlock has caused successive crises and political, social and security disintegration in the society. Accepting the Taliban, the Afghan people seek to solve the crisis and restore, peace, stability, order and security for themselves and their descendants. It seems that the occupation of the country, nonimplementation of Sharia laws and spread of corruption are signs of a brewing crisis caused by the weakness of the central government, lack of nation-state agreement, the spread of ethnocentrism and overdependence on America. To address these challenges, Afghans increasingly resort to Jihad and the formation of an Islamic Emirate as a possible solution.

China plays a significant role in Afghan reconstruction through its economic and political leverage. Consecutive Afghan governments have granted China a unique position in their foreign policies. During the Republic era, China’s diplomatic endeavors in Afghanistan primarily focused on addressing security concerns and acting as a broker between the Afghan government and the Taliban. The complete withdrawal of U.S. troops and the Taliban’s return to power in August 2021 presented a new opportunity for China in Afghanistan. While China is eager to monitor security dynamics and access untapped natural resources, the Taliban-led government seeks to gain China’s economic and political support. However, Afghanistan–China relations may lose momentum under the Islamic Emirate, as both sides remain focused on their respective objectives. In the long run, a strategic partnership will be necessary to address China’s security concerns and lay the foundations for Afghanistan’s economic growth. The Taliban government needs to adopt moderate policies conducive to promoting peace, stability, and regional interactions to incentivize Chinese investment in Afghan reconstruction. As a major regional and global power, China can leverage its influence to implement trust-building measures and generate regional consensus to avert a proxy conflict in Afghanistan.

Following the Taliban’s ascension to power, the Afghan government expresses a keen interest in affiliating with the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The prospective inclusion of Afghanistan in the BRI holds the promise of a profound impact on the Afghan economy, security dynamics, and overall stability. Concurrently, such an association can advance Beijing’s strategic interests within its domestic sphere and the broader regional context. Within the intricate geopolitical milieu of Afghanistan, characterized by ongoing legitimacy concerns, China’s escalating engagement assumes paramount importance, bearing substantial consequences for both Afghanistan and Beijing. This paper examines China’s investment and aid strategies in Afghanistan pre- and post-Taliban ascension to power in 2021. Additionally, it delves into the identification and analysis of the pivotal land transport network in Afghanistan, particularly in the context of its potential integration with the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and participation in the BRI, assessing the consequential advantages thereof. Furthermore, it scrutinizes the dynamic diplomatic and security relations between China and Afghanistan, with a focus on safeguarding China’s strategic assets in the region. The authors utilize qualitative research, incorporating primary and secondary data from government documents, official speeches, interviews with experts, and various research works. The study concludes that China has increased investments in Taliban-led Afghanistan, confident that Afghanistan’s participation in BRI could reshape its economy, strengthen Beijing’s strategic position in minerals and energy, and considerably improve Afghanistan’s security environment. The research provides valuable insights for policy debates and international efforts to promote stability and long-term growth in a war-torn nation.

For Afghanistan, the dual prospect of declining donor support and high ongoing security spending over the medium term keeps its government budget tight. This paper uses a general equilibrium model to capture the security–development trade-off facing the government in its effort to rehabilitate growth and fiscal sustainability. In particular, it considers strategic policy options for counteracting and minimizing the negative macroeconomic impact of possible aid and revenue shortfalls. We find that the mobilization of domestic revenues through changes in tax policy is the preferred policy response for the Afghan central government. Such a response helps to place its finances on a sustainable path in the near term and preserve most of the growth potential. Cutting expenditures balances public finances but causes the economy to permanently shrink. Debt financing helps to preserve much of the economy size but can quickly put the sustainability of public finances at risk.