Narrow Results

We investigate the cosmic censorship hypothesis for the Reissner–Nordström anti-de-Sitter black holes with global monopole charge. Considering the motion of the particle, we find that the overcharging is possible only for the anti-de-Sitter black hole showing violation of the cosmic censorship hypothesis. However, for the de-Sitter black hole, overcharging is not possible and hence there is no violation of the cosmic censorship hypothesis.

In today's technological and information rich society, millions of people are using social media as part of online socialisation and virtual life. They create and share contents such as pictures, texts and videos. Social media takes on the role of being the platform in which individuals can freely express themselves. Individuals have the opportunity of networking in the form of creating and sharing content, brainstorming, chatting, and expressing opinions thanks to the reflective and refractive (Medeni and Medeni, 2012) characteristic of social media. But social media which is supposed to provide a space for free expression is subject to different forms of censorship. As a result, social media and censorship have become interwoven terms. According to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, individuals have the right to express their ideas, opinions freely regardless of the types of media used. Even though social media might be controlled in the same way as traditional media, it can be stated that censorship is taking many forms due to the emergence of the intelligence methods with the capability of governments to monitor and counteract social media (Papic and Noonan, 2011). In this study, self-censorship as well as the underlying causes of censorship in social media will be discussed. Censorship and self-censorship which are embedded within each other will be studied from psychological, sociological and linguistic aspects. The study explores the extent of self-censorship in social media using a population comprising of 37 senior students of Department of Information Management, Hacettepe University.

Contributing to a nuanced understanding of the life and afterlife of the 19th century Filipino artist Félix Resurrección Hidalgo’s painting, The Church against the State (circa 1904), and also how it has been (re)written by the National Museum of the Philippines, this chapter explores power as an ideological and reciprocal framework that facilitates the dynamic connections between the personal and the political in colonial and contemporary Philippines. It traces how power is manufactured through self and proxy agency and monastic and museological authority which then shape artistic expressions, cultural practices, and knowledge production. As a critical take on knowledge production that is visual and textual, I examine how individual and institutional power manifests itself and how it moves across time and space based on close readings of archival data and anecdotes, analysis of artworks using standard art historical methodologies and critical theory from formalism to semiotics, and embodied research experience. Inspired by a New Area Studies approach that is multi-disciplinary and critical of hegemonic apparatuses such as the church, state, and museum and incorporating a transregional perspective that braids complex systems of contact, exchange, and transfer in Southeast Asia, this chapter on the Philippines constitutes a local response to the colonial and contemporary global challenge of censorship of artistic expression and/or academic and press freedom in other countries like the litigious Singapore and Thailand.

“Fake news”, or disinformation, is a contemporary phenomenon whose potential to impact on societal and political institutions have been widely documented by scholars. How have governments in Southeast Asia responded to the threat posed by disinformation? To address this, this chapter employs securitisation theory to evaluate political responses in Singapore and Malaysia towards disinformation. It has two key focuses: first, what empirical insight can securitisation theory provide towards explaining the heightened political salience of disinformation in both countries? Second, how have political actors in Singapore and Malaysia securitised disinformation, and what are the subsequent socio-political implications? The securitisation of a political issue gives credence to the urgent need for emergency measures and the mobilisation of resources to resolve a purported existential threat. While disinformation has been evidenced to be a societal problem, this chapter advances that the securitisation of disinformation by the Singapore and Malaysian governments can be construed foremost as politically expedient decisions within the unique socio-political contexts of each country. Specifically, it argues that state actors have sought to instrumentalise disinformation to justify the passing of wide-reaching legislation. In both cases, the passing of these laws has allowed the governments to consolidate political power, increase regulatory oversight and censor criticisms against the state. More broadly, this chapter highlights how authoritarian states have increasingly sought to respond to the global challenge of disinformation by adopting securitisation as a transregional response. The findings problematise the notion of securitisation as an optimal societal response to disinformation, and emphasises the need to guard against consequential encroachments upon media freedom and civil liberties arising from such political responses.

In the past three decades, Chinese cinema has undergone dramatic changes. Due to the ever-growing development of Chinese economy, Chinese cinema has been gradually transformed from a fully-controlled propaganda tool to an industry with an overt intention of profit-making. The result is the transformation of a political machine into a money machine, though still under the close monitoring of the Communist Party. The 1980s witnessed the emergence of the Fifth Generation directors, who demonstrated a changing face of Chinese cinema to both domestic and foreign audiences. Since then they have been major players in the arena of Chinese cinema. In the 1990s, when the Communist Party implemented aggressively a series of economic reforms, entertainment films represented by Feng Xiaogang's movies became popular and generated high box-office returns. Towards the end of the century, four modes of productions — government-sponsored, private, co-production, and underground cinemas — formed a mosaic of Chinese cinema. In the new millennium, due to the pressure of profit-making, all these different modes of production have been merging into a mainstream of a highly commercialized yet still politically-correct cinema.