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A dynamic between foreign direct investment (FDI) and international trade, and the level of urbanization, has been observed in many developing countries. This study seeks to fill a literature gap on the extent that FDI and international trade impact developing Asian economies through urbanization. The study explores the relationship between FDI, international trade, and urbanization in 31 developing Asian economies from 1991 to 2019, utilizing the dynamic panel model. Empirical results imply the significant effect of FDI inflows and trade openness on urbanization in developing Asia. The impact is clearly observed following the global financial crisis despite increased deglobalization. This finding supports the existence of structural changes and the transformation of economies in the region, which, among other factors, are driven by stronger global supply chains and improved logistics infrastructure in developing Asia.

Developing countries have greatly benefited from globalization, coinciding with economic growth and structural transformation. The standard trade theory postulates that trade openness contributes to poverty alleviation directly by changing factor proportions of production and indirectly through the trickle-down effect of growth. Existing multicountry studies using the trade-to-gross-domestic-product ratio to measure openness often fail to find a direct effect of openness on poverty over and above the growth–poverty nexus. This paper is motivated by the concern that the failure of these studies to detect the effectiveness of the factor proportion channel may be due to limitations of the commonly used measure of trade openness: the trade-to-gross-domestic-product ratio. Using a newly constructed index of trade openness, which I dub “the price convergence index,” I find a significant direct effect of openness on poverty reduction. The results also suggest that the impact of growth on poverty is greater for economies with more open trade regimes.

By adopting the consumption-based accounting (CBA) method of carbon emissions based on national carbon intensity (NCI), using the International Trade Centre (ITC) database, the Emissions Database for Global Atmospheric Research (EDGAR), and the World Bank database, and taking 13 countries and regions including the European Union (EU) countries and the United States (US) as research samples, this paper conducts an accounting of the embodied carbon in trade between China and other major economies in the world, clarifies the responsibilities China has taken for foreign consumption-based carbon emissions, and analyzes the various driving factors of China’s embodied carbon in exports. The findings are as follows: (i) Most of the developed economies have higher consumption-based emissions than production-based emissions, which is contrary to most of the developing economies, with developing countries bearing responsibilities for 15–20% of the consumption-based carbon emissions for developed countries; (ii) the carbon emissions of countries and regions are closely related to the embodied carbon in trade, with a correlation coefficient of 0.96. (iii) China has taken responsibility for a large amount of carbon emissions from foreign consumer demand, most of which are from the US, the EU, ASEAN, and Japan, respectively accounting for 3.8%, 3.5%, 2.3%, and 1.2% of China’s production-based carbon emissions in 2019; (iv) technique effect is the main driving factor for China’s embodied carbon in trade, while the specific driving factors vary by industry. Based on the above analysis, it is suggested that China should: (i) consider the trade factor in its efforts to achieve carbon peaking and carbon neutrality; (ii) adopt differentiated measures to reduce trade-related emissions for specific industries; (iii) fully consider China’s demand for carbon peaking and carbon neutrality in international negotiations; (iv) give more support to the research on and measurement of consumption-based carbon emissions.

Rise of China and increased Chinese engagement across the globe, have attracted mixed and varied reactions of approval and disapproval in a number of host countries. Against this background, this study brings into perspective rise of anti-Chinese sentiments in Africa, with a Kenyan case study, examining who, why and where anti-Chinese sentiments are most prevalent. The study finds anti-Chinese sentiments being most prevalent among Kenya’s small scale traders who have been displaced by Chinese capital flow and trade in the country. The finding is contextualized within broader framework of globalization and its resultant effects on free movement of capital, trade and investment. More precisely, Chinese capital flow and trade have had distributional consequences of winners and losers with potential to displace Kenya’s small scale traders hence the rise of anti-Chinese sentiments. The anti-Chinese sentiments are equally evident among section of Kenya’s politicians and intelligentsia, who have questioned the viability of Chinese built infrastructure. Further, anti-Chinese sentiments have been found among ordinary citizens who have experienced, albeit isolated, incidences of Chinese misconducts in the country. Notwithstanding these negative reactions, Chinese engagement in Kenya is still pronounced and has popular support from government, general citizenry and among classes of Kenyan who have benefited from Chinese involvement in the country. The segmented nature of anti-Chinese sentiments has not been strong enough to undo general goodwill, attitude and perceptions, that ordinary citizen hold towards Chinese engagement in Kenya.

This paper surveys India–ASEAN relations since the late 1990s amid the ongoing quest for a new regional compact in a post-pandemic era to advance India’s growing security and economic interests in Southeast Asia. During the cold war, India preferred to engage bilaterally with Southeast Asian countries than engage ASEAN directly. This tack shifted after 2000 as new security challenges arrived, particularly the need to secure the Indian Ocean. India’s overtures with ASEAN and ASEAN states grew alongside defense cooperation, which are now being renewed and renegotiated under the “Indo-Pacific” rubric despite differences over how India and ASEAN states regard the concept. Economic liberalization changed India’s calculus in the 1980s, which led to a series of overtures to economically tether India to the ASEAN. India–ASEAN trade grew dramatically over the last decade but fears abound over whether India’s rejection of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) agreement will reverse its economic footprint in Southeast Asia. Given both security and economic differences between India and the ASEAN, opportunities exist in joining to address shared transnational challenges like cybersecurity and counterterrorism.

This study has set to compare the usefulness of the regional integration efforts taken by two important economic blocs, SAARC and ASEAN, within the Asian continent to reduce the regional income inequality. Therefore, the existence of income convergence (or divergence) among the SAARC and ASEAN countries is the aim of this study. To investigate whether (or not) there exists income convergence across the SAARC and ASEAN blocs over the period of 1970-2017, $\beta$-convergence, σ-convergence and club convergence estimation methods have been applied. The results confirm the convergence of income across the ASEAN member countries, which is absent for the SAARC member countries at the intra-regional level. Although we considered all countries of the SAARC and ASEAN blocs together in the panel, an evidence of income convergence over the years has been found. The analysis supports the view of trade liberalization and recommends investing in the human capital to narrow down the regional disparity in future. To achieve a favorable impact of Asian rising growth, regional integration is important, for that a collective policy framework at the regional level is needed for both SAARC and ASEAN.

Taiwan is a major hub of the global supply chains and one of the leading investors not only in China but also in other Southeast Asian markets. Although high trade complementary, bilateral trade between South Asia and Taiwan is only about US$ 9 billion, investment has only picked up recently. The computable general equilibrium (CGE) analysis indicates a substantial economic benefit of bilateral tariffs elimination between Taiwan and its South Asian partners. Taiwan has a substantial comparative advantage in producing high tech manufacturing goods while in South Asian’s main strength is in the resource-based agricultural and light manufacturing sector. Taiwan has been maintained a liberalized trade regime with minimal import tariffs and non-tariff measures (NTM) over the decades. As South Asia is booming, and Taiwan is seeking alternative markets and investments opportunities, it is time to deepen a bilateral economic relationship. South Asia is a market of 1.5 billion people with an emerging middle class along with substantial cheaper labor forces, made an ideal place for investment. A comprehensive economic partnership agreement (CEPA) with a preferential trade and investment agreement would be useful to attract Taiwanese multinationals and seamless trade between South Asia and Taiwan.

The economic security of middle powers across the world is being challenged by great power rivalry and, more recently, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. One of the largest trade and investment countries globally, South Korea is amongst the middle powers most affected by these developments. In this context, South Korea needs to finetune its economic security strategy. One way of doing so is by diversifying its economic relations. In this respect, India, a fellow middle power and also one of the biggest economies in the world, is a key partner. Supply chains, trade, investment and human capital have all been benefiting from strengthening links between South Korea and India, and will be key moving forward as the former seeks to further boost its economic security. Indeed, South Korea and India have been strengthening their links in the intertwined areas of maritime security, cyber security, and economic security in recent years. This suggests that economic security is part of broader security cooperation between the two partners.

India and the Republic of Korea (RoK) are, respectively, the second and sixth largest economies of Asia with significant trade ties since the historic past. India is currently negotiating to upgrade the Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) with the RoK, which was operationalized on January 1, 2010. A key area of concern for India has been its increasing trade deficit with the RoK which has more than doubled since 2009–10. This paper aims to analyze the flow of goods, services and investment between the two sides in major sectors of interest in the last decade. Further, it aims to identify barriers to trade and investment for the Indian exporters and areas of improvement in the CEPA and beyond to enhance economic gains for both sides.

This study looks at carbon emissions among the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries during the period 2000–2019. Through panel data using both pooled ordinary least squares (OLS) and panel least square regressions, the Environmental Kuznets Curve (EKC) hypothesis is tested as well as a model which includes GDP per capita, foreign direct investment (FDI), energy use, trade and an interaction term between FDI and energy use. The interaction term is built from and being expanded from the existing FDI–energy nexus. A cointegration test is also conducted to find out whether there exists a long-run relationship among the variables. The findings indicate that as a whole region, ASEAN observes the EKC hypothesis but different results occur when categories of oil versus non-oil exporting and Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Vietnam (CLMV) versus non-CLMV countries are defined. In ASEAN overall, the pooled and panel data regressions suggest GDP per capita, FDI and energy use would increase emissions. In contrast, trade would reduce carbon emissions. The interaction term of FDI and energy was found to be a mediating variable and it was statistically significant. Policy implications are discussed.

Fossil fuel subsidies are widespread in developing countries, where reform efforts are often derailed by disputes over the likely distribution of gains and losses. The impacts of subsidy reform are transmitted to households through changes in energy prices and prices of other goods and services, as well as through factor earnings. Most empirical studies focus on consumer expenditures alone, and computable general equilibrium analyses typically report only total effects without decomposing them by source. Meanwhile, analytical models neglect important open-economy characteristics relevant to developing countries. In this paper, we develop an analytical model of a small open economy with a preexisting fossil fuel subsidy and identify direct and indirect impacts of subsidy reform on real household incomes. Our results, illustrated with data from Viet Nam, highlight two important drivers of distributional change: (i) the mix of tradable and nontradable goods, reflecting the structure of a trade-dependent economy; and (ii) household heterogeneity in sources of factor income.

This paper demonstrates that the largest business association of private firms in the People's Republic of China (PRC), the All-China Federation of Industry and Commerce (ACFIC), has induced its members to help achieve the goals of the PRC's extremely ambitious but risky Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) since its inauguration in 2013. Through its newspaper, the ACFIC has drawn the attention of its member firms to countries participating in the BRI, which has led to increased trade between provinces in the PRC and BRI-participating countries emphasized by the ACFIC's newspaper. The results show that the PRC's exports have been encouraged substantially more than its imports, which could be a cause for concern for the sustainability of the BRI. The results were obtained through various specially designed versions of the gravity model and have shown to be robust to the use of various methods for mitigating possible estimation biases.