Chinese Journal of International Review

This paper presents an analysis framework of the trade dilemma faced by global hegemony. It argues that maintaining global hegemony and addressing domestic conflicts simultaneously is a challenging task. Since the 1980s, the United States has prioritized the expansion of transnational capital, often at the expense of domestic vulnerable industries and the interests of low-skilled workers. This unbalanced development has led to intensified social contradictions within the United States. To resolve these conflicts, the US has shifted from reciprocal globalization deals to self-interested hybrid deals, aiming to uphold the interests of transnational capital while also addressing the concerns of workers. The negotiation experiences of the United States–Mexico–Canada Agreement (USMCA) and the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF) demonstrate this mode of the US trade policy. While this strategy may repair the domestic political foundation, it leads to new challenges for the US, such as discontent and resistance from the international community, or encountering difficulties in promoting cooperation with US trading partners. These challenges will pose a threat to the long-term stability of the international economic order.

The study evaluates Bangladesh–China relations through the ‘win-win cooperation’ lens and concludes with a ‘NOISE’ (Needs-Opportunities-Improvements-Strengths-Exceptions) analysis. Bangladesh, a South Asian developing nation, has maintained a strategic partnership with Beijing since the establishment of their diplomatic ties. However, the relationship gained exceptional momentum after Bangladesh’s inclusion in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Bangladesh’s need for growth-necessary financing and China’s massive foreign investment outlook have contributed to the growth of their economic engagements. The analysis suggests that the Bangladesh–China relationship exhibits ‘win-win cooperation’ dynamics. The study identified the significant trade gap, loan agreements, and disbursement delays, along with others, challenging the solid Bangladesh–China bilateral economic interactions. The Rohingya refugee crisis resolve and geopolitical competition among major powers are two non-bilateral issues that could potentially impact future Dhaka–Beijing relations. Overcoming the existing barriers could position Bangladesh–China relations as a model for smaller-major power bilateral relations, particularly for developing nations. It is a desk research by design. The findings of this study may provide insights to policymakers in addressing the existing barriers to meet future needs.

“Public diplomacy” in Taiwan is led by the Taiwan authorities and joined by multiple actors. Due to the Taiwan authorities’ limited international engagement, they seek assistance from think tanks in expanding “public diplomacy”, as a complement to their “diplomatic” efforts or as a substitute when their intervention is deemed inappropriate. In this case, think tanks assume an active “diplomatic role”. Their main functions are to provide policy advice and decision-making counsel to the Taiwan authorities; cooperate with the Taiwan authorities in “Track II diplomacy”; disseminate Taiwan’s values and build a network of cooperative relations. Their fundamental purpose is to enhance Taiwan’s international influence through exchanges and dialogues, to tilt the international public opinion towards Taiwan, and ultimately to build a network of “diplomatic” relations.

The outbreak of the pandemic in early 2020 greatly slowed down the economic and trade exchanges as well as the cultural exchanges among countries. The Chinese government and media are facing challenges communicating internationally the “Belt and Road Initiative” (BRI). This paper selects the reports of mainstream media in Cambodia related to the “Belt and Road” Initiative before and after the epidemic, and comprehensively analyzes the research samples with the help of content analysis methods. By studying the law of “other shaping” of the image of the BRI reported by the Agence Kampuchea Presse (AKP) and the Phnom Penh Post, the two major mainstream media representing Cambodia’s official and private perspectives, respectively, it is helpful to analyze internal laws and explore the logic behind the discourse of the two Cambodia’s mainstream media; by excavating the attitude and value orientation hidden behind the Cambodian media towards the BRI, the paper comes up with the objective conclusion that the national interests and economic benefits brought by “the Belt and Road” projects are the key internal factors influencing the position of Cambodia’s mainstream media. The paper also notices that the spillover effect of China-US competition has an important impact on the Cambodian mainstream media’s coverage of the “Belt and Road” Initiative, and it also has significance for China to look at external communications and seek a breakthrough in vision by studying the international communication of the United States to Southeast Asia in history and learning from its successful experiences.

While global climate governance has been identified across a wide range of international political events, it has been deeply rooted in the liberal international order which encounters various political challenges. This work employs the ecological modernization approach as a way to observe how the neoliberal elements of the global climate governance have been interrogated by different and emerging critical discourses. This work identifies that the populism, green movements and (radical) left-wing concepts have been emerging to challenge the existing global climate governance by holding critical stances on the key elements of the ecological modernization approach.