East Asian Policy

The Master Plan on ASEAN Connectivity has spurred China and ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) to explore more substantive cooperation. Yunann and Guangxi are riding on the connectivity bandwagon to secure Beijing's support to spur their socio-economic development. However, the pursuit of further connectivity between China and ASEAN has its challenges including the need for coordination between the competing provinces and translating various proposals into actual progress on the ground.

With China's increasing investment in Myanmar, a prosperous economic corridor is expected to be formed along China-Myanmar oil and gas pipelines. This economic corridor project is part of Beijing's broader strategy of diversifying its sources of imported energy, as well increasing its economic integration with Myanmar. Although China has long-term strategic energy investment plans in this country, it does not necessarily mean that China has free rein over the outcomes.

The dispute between the Philippines and China concerning Chinese fishing boats in the Philippines Exclusive Economic Zone ended in a standoff. The Philippines has sought support from the United States, which appears to be distancing itself from regional tensions to avoid jeopardising the trust between Washington and Beijing. China's attitude towards maritime issues has changed, allowing room for discussion. The author opines that China's outdated and flawed governmental structures need to be rectified.

Since Hu Jintao became the General Secretary of the Party in 2002, the Party's Politburo has been convening monthly group study sessions conducted by professors and researchers. This indicates a change in China's policy-making process from strongman domination to consensus-seeking, through sharing information and discussions. Speakers lecture on domestic affairs and share developed countries' experience. Priority is given to economic issues, followed by political/ideological and social issues, and lastly, military issues and international relations.

The spectacular fall of Bo Xilai is widely interpreted as the demise of the Chongqing model. This conclusion is however premature: it fails to see that the model is rooted in the current political system, derived from the CCP's traditions and identity, and has tremendous appeal among the poor masses given the prevalence of inequality and social injustice. Fundamental political reforms are necessary to prevent the resurgence of Maoism.

After three decades of reform, China's state-owned enterprises have become powerful entities economically and politically, while remaining relatively inefficient and often monopolistic vis-à-vis the private sector. Their expansion in the aftermath of the global financial crisis has further squeezed the space of development for non-state sectors. The prospect of reform is now coloured with uncertainty as regulatory, legislative and political means have failed to rein in the politically well-connected large centrally managed SOEs.

Despite China's comparatively small investment in Singapore, it has experienced continued expansion in recent years. The main driving forces include good bilateral relations and government policies, sound urban environment, well organised social system, mature financial market and preferential tax rate. Overall, these two countries so far have not fully reaped the expected benefits in terms of capital inflows and outflows. There remains great space for further development and cooperation.

This article argues that it will be challenging for Taiwan to participate meaningfully in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) through the World Health Assembly model due to obstructions from Mainland China, the convention by which the UNFCCC categorises its participants, and the lack of clarity concerning the rights and responsibilities of observers. Two policy recommendations are provided to Taiwan to deepen its engagement with the international climate regime.

After re-pegging the Renminbi (RMB) from the US Dollar (USD) to a currency basket, the Hong Kong Dollar (HKD) is caught between the diverging Chinese and US economies. Disparity between the RMB and USD exchange rates and the HKD, and the disharmony of Chinese and US monetary policies towards Hong Kong have become increasingly acute. Hong Kong is at a crossroads. Should the HKD migrate from the dollar-zone to the renminbi-zone and realign with the national currency, and how? This paper analyses the mismatch and tries to answer the question.

All nations, big or small, are concerned with the issue of food security. Even for Singapore, which is almost 100% dependent on external food supply, it still has to face the challenges of maintaining a stable food supply. Food crisis can potentially emerge as a new challenge for regional security not just in Asia but also for the whole international community as well.