East Asian Policy

Hedging, similar to all forms of state alignment behaviour and foreign policy choice, is dynamic and adaptive, rather than static. Hedging emerges and evolves under certain circumstances; and it will end when those conditions diminish. By examining Malaysia’s China policy, this article identifies the factors at the structural, bilateral and domestic levels that collectively determine the feasibility and future of middle-state hedging in contemporary time.

Since the 2000s, Japan has pursued a balancing strategy towards China by strengthening the US–Japan alliance. Nonetheless, the relative decline in the United States’ global strategic influence has compelled Japan to adopt a “security hedging” approach. Japan seeks to strengthen strategic relations with non-US security partners both within and beyond the Indo-Pacific region, diversifying the risks of diplomatic overdependence on the United States while continuing to fortify military cooperation with it.

Hedging is an essentially contested concept. Originally borrowed from the discipline of economics, it has become prevalent in the discourse on policy prescription in the Asia-Pacific. It is most often referenced with regard to geopolitical challenges of great power contestation faced by secondary powers in Northeast and Southeast Asia. Hedging is often regarded as a strategy to maintain relevance and autonomy in the face of competition between the United States and China. This article investigates the prevalence of hedging in the East Asian region, followed by a case analysis of Gaya. The author offers policy recommendations based on insights gained from ancient Gaya. He argues that, like the polities of the Gaya confederacy, contemporary second-tier states in the Asia-Pacific should cooperate closely, with the common objective of navigating the US–China rivalry. By ensuring their survival and prosperity, they can also contribute to the development of a geopolitical environment characterised by “co-existence”.

This article investigates China’s hedging strategy towards Myanmar following the military coup in 2021, characterised by competing regimes and numerous armed resistance groups. Given the volatile and uncertain political environment in Myanmar, Beijing’s strategy involves maintaining relationships with multiple stakeholders with not only the military junta but also various ethnic armed groups, and potentially the national unity government too.

The United Kingdom’s main motivation for its engagement in the Indo-Pacific is commercial, alongside its contributions to regional security. In July 2024, a Labour government replaced the Conservative government. While the United Kingdom’s commitment to the Indo-Pacific is expected to remain steadfast, managing the ongoing war in Europe and the expected impact of the incoming Trump presidency on transatlantic relations will challenge Labour for years to come. The United Kingdom’s long-term interests in the Indo-Pacific must now be managed alongside these more pressing concerns.

Beyond the 50th anniversary of ASEAN–Japan relations, their partnership is entering a new phase. Japan actively strives to promote regional order under the Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) banner to address challenges, such as the escalation of great power rivalry, the increasingly complicated strategic environment due to the Russia–Ukraine war and the Gaza crisis, and the emergence of the “Global South”. For Japan, strengthening its partnerships with Southeast Asia is becoming increasingly critical.

This article examines the evolution and impact of the Network of ASEAN–China Think-tanks (NACT) since its inception, with a focus on its crucial Track II role in promoting ASEAN–China cooperation through policy dialogues and collaborative research. It analyses the motivations for establishing NACT, the practical achievements in fostering policy dialogue and collaboration for the past decade and the prospects of NACT in addressing regional and global challenges. By aligning with the strategic visions of ASEAN and China, NACT has significantly contributed to regional stability, development and people-to-people exchanges. This article concludes by discussing NACT’s potential to further enhance ASEAN–China relations and regional integration.

This article provides an in-depth analysis of the impact of constructing the Morowali Industrial Park smelter in Indonesia. Empirical findings indicate that the local economy benefits tremendously through the creation of additional jobs and overall regional economic growth. However, the local economy faces serious environmental problems, alongside social issues. To ensure that the benefits outweigh disadvantages, it is crucial to implement stringent environmental regulations and facilitate community participation in decision-making.