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Understanding how e-commerce platforms are affecting the small, informal firms that sell on them is a question of growing importance to researchers and policymakers in developing countries. This paper examines this question using data from surveys of firms selling on two e-commerce platforms in South Asia. The businesses selling on these platforms range widely in terms of size, degree of formalization, and other characteristics. Their main reason for joining the platforms is to access more customers. After joining, many sellers report (i) an expansion of their business, (ii) an increase in their incentive to formal registration, and (iii) increased visibility to tax authorities. Other less-widespread channels of impact include (i) the adoption of new or improved business practices and technologies, (ii) better access to finance, and (iii) greater flexibility in balancing home and work life. These reported impacts do not vary significantly by firm size or registration status, suggesting that the greater market access brought about by (selectively) joining e-commerce platforms benefits equally large and small (informal) firms. Given size and age, firms selling on the platform for a longer period are more likely to experience these impacts, suggesting that firms learn how to use the platform more effectively over time. Finally, firms on these platforms—even the micro and small ones, which tend to be informal—are from a select group, as they are owned and managed by individuals who are more educated and younger than the owners and managers of more typical firms in this setting.

This paper examines Sri Lankan men’s labor market outcomes when their wives emigrate to work, leaving the husbands and their children at home in Sri Lanka — the effects of maternal migration on the husbands’ labor market decisions. We used nationally representative cross-sectional data and historical migration rates at the community level as an instrument for maternal migration in two-stage least squares estimations. We find that maternal migration reduces the husbands’ labor supply. Husbands are more likely to exit the labor market and become unemployed; the employed are less likely to moonlight and have lower wages, and those that exit the labor market are more likely to become stay-at-home dads. Using a second instrument, an indicator of whether a community has foreign-employment agencies, we also confirmed our main results. Our findings indicate that policies that aim to promote female migration as an exogenous income source may fall short if they do not address the effects of the husbands’ labor market decisions.

The Susceptible, Infected and Recover (SIR) model is a very simple model to estimate the dynamics of an epidemic. In the current pandemic due to Covid-19, the SIR model has been used to estimate the dynamics of infection for Bangladesh, India, Pakistan and compared with that of China. Numerical solutions are used to obtain the value of parameters for the SIR model. It is predicted that the active case in Pakistan due to the SARS-CoV-2 will be comparable with that in China whereas it will be low for Bangladesh and India. The basic reproduction number, with fluctuations, for South Asian countries are predicted to be less than that of China. The susceptible population is also estimated to be under a million for Bangladesh and India but it becomes very large for Pakistan.

Though SAARC has the stated goal of an economic union and a common currency, after a quarter of a century, these remain distant goals as political tensions between India and Pakistan have hindered any real progress on a regional scale. Barriers to trade and factor mobility are high in the region as a whole, though considerable liberalisation has been achieved through various bilateral agreements involving India and some of its neighbours. The conventional economic conditions for a common currency are also currently absent as patterns of shocks are non-synchronised, trade links are weak and factor mobility much constrained. Deeper intraregional economic integration requires much more comprehensive trade and investment liberalisation among member nations. While the political conditions for a single currency are unlikely to emerge in the foreseeable future, steps towards closer monetary cooperation through a South Asian Monetary System — building on the existing SAARCFINANCE network — may provide an institutional framework for enhancing regional integration. However, such cooperation will have to be conceived as a component of a sustainable transitional strategy which commits to a serious programme of deeper trade liberalisation to facilitate greater integration with the rest of the world, and most importantly, with East Asia.

Using the aggregate financial stability index (AFSI) which measures the gradual progression and changes in financial market stability, this paper empirically evaluates the impact of financial and economic integration on financial stability in South Asian countries using time-series data for the period 1980–2012. Auto-regressive distributed lag (ARDL) Bounds testing approach to cointegration is applied to ensure long-run relationship between variables. Bound F-test results confirm the long-run relationship between selected variables. The estimated results show that economic and financial integration has exerted a significant negative effect on financial stability in long run.

This study empirically investigates a monetary policy reaction function for South Asian economies by incorporating financial stability as an additional policy objective in the central bank’s loss function. Empirical results are estimated by applying auto-regressive distributed lag (ARDL) approach to cointegration and vector autoregressive (VAR) approach using time-series data of five South Asian countries, namely, Pakistan, India, Bangladesh, Nepal and Sri Lanka. Estimated results indicate that monetary policy significantly reacts to the level of financial stability in all countries. The result further suggests that central banks would tighten monetary policy if output gap widens and exchange rate depreciate. In addition, central banks of Pakistan and India do not respond significantly to inflation gap.

This study looked at the possibility that South Asian countries’ financial prosperity may lessen poverty. The data presented in this research show that between 1990 and 2019, economic development directly led to a decline in poverty in South Asian nations. Remittances reduce poverty, but financial growth has a huge influence. The model result suggests that financial development strongly affects poverty reduction, regardless of the econometric methodology. The results demonstrated that whereas remittances increase poverty levels for men and women, economic development significantly reduces them. Poverty was decreased considerably by variables such as economic development, foreign direct investment and commercial openness. As a result of these expenditures, the South Asian population was shown to be more vulnerable to poverty. The South Asian population was more susceptible to poverty due to these outlays. The results also refute earlier research suggesting that rising poverty may result from financial instability.

INDIA – South Asia waters harbor drug-resistant bugs.

JAPAN – Daiichi Sankyo initiates phase 3 ENSURE-AF study, investigating patients with atrial fibrillation undergoing cardioversion.

SINGAPORE – Scientists discover a number of novel genetic defects which cause esophageal cancer.

SINGAPORE – NUS researchers develop world's first fluorescent sensor to detect common illicit date rape drug.

SINGAPORE – Genome Institute of Singapore partners Nutricia Research to investigate human gut microbiome.

SINGAPORE – Singapore-developed drug coated balloon enrolls its first patients in clinical study.

THE PHILIPPINES – Biodiversity loss linked to outbreaks of diseases.

VIETNAM – Mosquito genes could be key to halting dengue spread.

EUROPE – Curetis obtains key patent for Unyvero™ technology.

NEPAL – Fly ash waste used as water purifier.

UNITED STATES – Researchers discover genetic markers that may predict when people with heart disease are likely to have heart attacks.

UNITED STATES – Celluar ‘counting’ of rhythmic signals synchronizes changes in cell fate.

UNITED STATES – Potential lung cancer vaccine shows renewed promise.

UNITED STATES – Shrink wrap used to enhance detection of infectious disease biomarkers.

UNITED STATES – Triple negative breast cancer's progression and relapse pinned to a gene.

UNITED STATES – Seaweed forests could help power tropical islands.

China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is an ambitious project aiming to transform the economic landscape along its route in the areas of trade, investment, and energy supplies. It makes as its focal point the connectivity between China and Eurasia, South Asia, and the Indian Ocean. South Asia’s location presents China with significant strategic opportunities as Beijing seeks to expand its economic presence in the subcontinent by providing resources in infrastructural development, particularly the construction of seaports. With growing Chinese trade and investment in the region, Beijing is also extending its diplomatic influence into what has long been considered as India’s sphere of influence. With longstanding strategic distrust and unresolved territorial disputes, New Delhi is suspicious of Beijing’s intentions and concerned over the latter’s growing influence into a region it has long considered its sphere of influence. In this context, the BRI has the potential to intensify Sino–Indian rivalry, and the Modi government has indeed explored and launched initiatives to counter Chinese diplomatic activities. It remains a challenge whether and how Asia’s rising powers can reduce their trust deficits and explore areas of cooperation made possible by the BRI, working toward a cooperative, mutually beneficial future for Sino–Indian relations and the region as a whole.

Welcome to this special Journal of Environmental Assessment Policy and Management (JEAPM) issue on environmental assessment (EA) research in South Asia, which besides this introductory paper includes seven papers contributing to a wider understanding of EA-related practices in the South Asian Region (SAR). Some of the papers are country-specific while others provide useful overviews of a region and/or parts of a region. The collection of papers is a result of a targeted call to researchers taking a special interest on EA issues within SAR. This special issue is timely considering the challenges and rapid growth this part of the world is currently facing. Furthermore, there is a perception that EA-related research in the region is less reported in the academic literature than others. Although this special issue cannot claim to represent all countries in South Asia, it is a step towards narrowing this perceived gap in the literature and in reporting on the emerging trends of EA within the region. It is hoped that this initiative will encourage further SAR EA-related research and publications in the future.

This paper assesses the value of using Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA) to account for the spatially and temporally diverse and diffuse potential impacts of hydropower development in South Asia’s Koshi basin. A policy and practice review and key stakeholder interviews identified opportunities for SEA to improve existing planning procedures, and also barriers to effective adoption. Whilst stakeholders are interested in employing SEA to evaluate cumulative impacts, institutional blockages and an economic development imperative for power generation leave little space for consideration of alternative scenarios as part of SEA. The analysis is conducted through the formulation and application of a conceptual framework (CFW) for SEA best practice which is then used to identify priority next-steps for a more dynamic application of SEA in the region.

Striking a balance between the need to achieve socio-economic growth and to conserve and sustainably use natural resources has become a pressing requirement globally, especially in developing nations. Strategic environmental assessment (SEA) that recognises and integrates environmental, social and economic considerations into policies, plans and programmes is a recognised and effective planning tool in more than 90 countries across the globe.

The paper reflects on changing trends in SEA uptake and increasing momentum for its application in South Asia. Evidence suggests that various drivers including voluntary practice and donor driven impact assessments are favouring the uptake of SEA as a robust and futuristic planning support tool for sustainable growth in multiple economic sectors.

The paper draws on numerous examples of SEA and ‘SEA-like’ instruments applied in different sectors in South Asia and identifies growth sectors where SEA has a significant potential to synchronise conservation and sustainable development objectives.

The United States’ South Asia strategy has been based on the calculation of its overall national security priorities. In practice, when U.S. priorities are at odds with those of other regional powers, Washington tends to adopt a “no-expectations” psychological approach toward its regional partners to avoid disappointment, a technical “de-hyphenation strategy” to improve policy efficiency, and practical cost-benefit analysis to evaluate the effectiveness of its South Asia strategy. However, Washington often has to come to terms with the realities on the ground with regard to its leadership role in South Asia. For the time being, Washington has articulated its strategic objective in South Asia, that is, a regional balance of power in favor of the United States vis-a-vis its perceived competitor, China. Therefore, it has conducted conditional cooperation with Pakistan and Afghanistan on land, and committed support for India on security issues in the Indian Ocean, so as to hedge against China’s growing presence in South Asia. The enhancement of U.S.-India defense and security cooperation has fueled China’s suspicion of India’s intention to join the U.S.-led coalition against it. By the logic of balance of power, the United States will continue to regard India as a strategic counterweight to China, which is likely to increase the possibility of strategic tensions and conflicts between China and India that may finally entangle the United States.

The South Asia subcontinent is witnessing new security and political dynamics after the United States withdrew its troops in mid-2021. Even as the Taliban-led government is stepping up engagement with the outside world to earn wider diplomatic recognition and exhibit its governing credentials, Beijing and New Delhi are adjusting their regional policies in a bid to acquire more influence in a changing geopolitical landscape. Assuming nation states to be rational actors, this paper uses the stag hunt game to analyze the potential maximum payoffs for Beijing, Kabul, and New Delhi, respectively, if they could make the right strategic calculations about their short-term interests and long-term goals. Even though the subcontinent is not immune to the effect of great power rivalry that is unfolding on the world stage, regional stakeholders could still choose to cooperate on issues of common concern while limiting the fallout of competition and confrontation on other more contentious challenges.

China’s emergence as a key player in global politics and the declining role of the United States as a superpower are two greatest developments of the 21st century. This geopolitical transformation has compelled Washington to reconsider its traditional Eurocentric and Middle East-focused approach and shift strategic attention and resources to the Asia-Pacific region. In a bid to keep its superpower status, the United States is bolstering India as a bulwark against China. To balance China’s growing influence, the United States has upgraded ties with India and other major players on China’s periphery. The U.S-India strategic partnership is among the most visible result of these efforts. At the same time, this strategic realignment has serious consequences for regional stability in South Asia. India’s military buildup rattles neighbors, particularly Pakistan, as it increases the risk of confrontation between the two nuclear-armed states. This changing strategic environment leaves Pakistan with no option but to look for new ways to maintain strategic equilibrium. This study provides an overview of the India-U.S. partnership and its impact on South Asian strategic stability. It also highlights various challenges Pakistan will likely face due to regional realignment and discusses possible options for Pakistan to maintain a favorable strategic equilibrium.

The number of global COVID19 cases has just exceeded 15 million, and there is mounting evidence for a devastating economic impact from this illness. Although COVID19 affected primarily China, Europe, and North America during the first half of 2020, now this disease is accelerating in the resource-poor nations of the Global South. Across Latin America, South Asia, and Africa, COVID19 is expected to push up to 100 million people into extreme poverty, eroding many of the economic gains achieved over the last five years. COVID19 vaccines will be required to help control the pandemic, especially in low- and middle-income nations. These will have important health benefits, but might also prevent further economic devastation. The term “antipoverty vaccines” has been used to refer to vaccines to prevent neglected tropical diseases that affect worker productivity, child development, and the health of girls and women. COVID19 vaccines could also become important antipoverty technologies provided we find ways to scale and distribute them as affordable vaccines. Two vaccines now being accelerated for global health include whole inactivated virus and recombinant protein vaccines. These might become essential tools for combating global poverty.

Over the last three and half decades, China’s rapid advancement in development efforts has been accompanied by a conscious effort in projecting itself as a major frontrunner in the economy. Despite being a developing country (Huang, 2015), Chinese President Xi Jinping’s announcement in World Economic Forum (WEF) (Bruce-Lockhart, 2017) had hinted China’s growing interest in the development of trade and network among countries. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is also one such development put forward to institutionalize China’s soft power presence in the world and create harmony with rest of the world. The Initiative has been placed as synonymous to a way of friendly cooperation signaling the project as “Road for Peace” (Kasturi, 2017). China has placed a tremendous amount of effort for its “charm offensive” approach with an estimated US$10 billion spending every year on its global soft power presence (Kurlantzick, 2017). Under the project, China has placed initiatives in approaching for regional connectivity in the South Asia region with China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) being regarded as its flagship program. As it goes, of all the projects China has undertaken in the BRI, its ventures in South Asia are considered challenging and need strong cooperation (Stratfor Enterprises, 2017). The unstable geo-politics and security threats in the region pose Beijing with a lot to consider before it can preach about the peaceful connectivity. Most significant of all, the problems in the region will be with India as it has openly expressed its dissatisfaction towards BRI. India not only observes the initiative as a security threat with CPEC corridor passing through the controversial Kashmir area, but also sees it as an initiative to undermine its traditional influence in the region. As such, this paper tries to provide an analytical view of BRI with China’s soft power presence in the South Asia region.

The paper provides an alternative framework to identify the compulsions and contradictions arising out of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as voluminous literature, stemming from the perspectives of realism and liberalism are either marred in assertive dogmatization or excessive apprehensions or non-feasible (lack of) solutions. Taking into such inadequacies of existing approaches into account, the paper also attempts to chalk out elements for a new form of cooperation under the BRI. Using Bangladesh as a case study, it suggests for integration of production network, transfer of technology and sharing of risk of capital as necessary condition as well as alignment of domestic political settlement and normative legitimacy as sufficient condition to achieve mutual stability and growth outcomes.

The China-Pakistan “all weather friendship” dates back to 1955 Bandung Conference which was rejuvenated by 1962 China’s defeat to India. Based on the Kautliyan maxim of “my enemy’s enemy is my friend, the China Pakistan alignment served the interests of both partners as it is prompted on their convergence vis a vis India. Thus, even after the end of Cold War their alignment survived and in fact got transformed to a formal alliance. This gets exemplified by the much talked about China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) where China’s investment reached $62 billion in April 2017. The China-Pakistan bonhomie in South Asia has tremendous geostrategic implications for India in the region. Thus the present study is an attempt to accentuate upon the current trajectory of China Pakistan Alignment i.e. CPEC and its geostrategic implications for India being the South Asian heavy weight.

South Asia is a geo-political system which has its unique security characters. The emerging complex nature of a system could lead either to the security or insecurity of that system. India and Pakistan are the emerging nuclear powers of South Asia. The nuclear doctrines and behavior of India and Pakistan promote the advancement of their nuclear programs in both strategic and civil domains. Both countries desire stability, the balance of power and security through the possession of nuclear options. However, the author argues that South Asia’s existing nuclear environment and its emerging complexity have produced insecurity and instability in the region at large. This paper is an attempt to identify the complexity of actors and behaviors and their emerging threats to the security of the region. There is also a lack of literature to portray the nuclear risk that the non-nuclear states face in South Asia. This paper tries to fill that gap as well.