China’s Educational Diplomacy: Examining Soft Power Strategies in Pakistan
Abstract
This study investigates Beijing’s use of educational initiatives as a tool for soft power in Pakistan. It explores how these initiatives influence various stakeholders within Pakistan. The research employs a descriptive analysis approach. It examines the mechanisms China utilizes through its educational system to build relationships with Pakistan, promote Chinese culture, and shape Pakistani perceptions of China. Beijing leverages its educational system through four key mechanisms to exert soft power in Pakistan. Confucius Institutes offer Chinese language courses and cultural events, fostering direct engagement with Chinese culture. University partnerships facilitate knowledge exchange and joint research collaboration between Chinese and Pakistani universities. Scholarship programs attract Pakistani students to study in China, providing them with language skills, cultural understanding, and potential career opportunities. Finally, the internationalization of Chinese universities, offering English-taught programs, makes them more accessible to Pakistani students. The impact of these initiatives varies across stakeholder groups. Students and academics directly benefit by gaining language skills, cultural understanding, and potential career opportunities. However, concerns exist about ideological influence, academic freedom, and brain drain. Broader Pakistani society experiences indirect exposure through media, interactions with graduates, and changing perceptions of China.
Introduction
While the concept of soft power is relatively new, its mechanisms were extensively used by leaders throughout history. Monarchs, such as King Ashoka, modern political figures such as Gandhi, Stalin, and, unfortunately, in a different form, leaders like Hitler, Mussolini, have applied various modalities of non-coercive influence to promote their policies. In the modern world, the definition of soft power has become an instrument for countries to develop its image and exercise influence in a non-violent manner. The United States, China, and many other nations similarly apply this approach. However, it is essential to note that while the means are the same, each country has a unique manifestation of soft power, objectives, and certain constraints. The necessity to consider soft power as a crucial contribution to the international affairs of a country has been acknowledged in related scientific studies since Joseph S. Nye coined the term in 1990.
Soft power includes culture, ideology, education, and other complementary non-coercive means capable of shaping international perceptions as well as contributing to the global impact of a country. Among the determinants of a state’s soft power in international relations, its education system deserves special attention. A significant increase in the importance of education as a factor in the international prestige and results of states has been noticed during the recent years. Scholars have battled hard to define power in a way that is more precise and agreeable to everybody, yet the notion of power is still very much in use today. However, the process has gone through several phases of clarification, always becoming more polished and richer in itself. The idea of power has also taken on a lenient look in the shape of soft power, which is a realist interpretation that emphasizes economic and military force.
Literature Review
The existing literature primarily focuses on the broader aspects of soft power, with insufficient attention given to the specific mechanisms within education that shape a nation’s intangible influence. According to Joseph Nye, soft power is the ability to achieve desired outcomes in international affairs through attraction rather than coercion.1 Soft power can rest on the appeal of one’s ideas or the ability to set the agenda in ways that shape the preferences of others. If a state can make its power legitimate in the perception of others and establish international institutions that encourage them to channel or limit their activities, it may not need to expend as many of its costly traditional economic or military resources.2
One of the things that increases a nation’s soft power in international relations is its exceptional level of education. Considering the outlined changes in diverse aspects of societal dynamics, we posit that education is assuming an escalating significance in international relations and contributes to the soft power of a nation.3 The Educational Soft Power Model exhibited in Figure 1 introduced by Agnieszka Wojciuk and colleagues.4

Figure 1. Model of Educational Soft Power.
The educational soft power model as explained by education acts as a carrier of genuine values, potentially attracting foreign audiences.5 In the analyzed cases, values like modernization, equality, a good life, and competitiveness resonated most strongly. Soft power also stems from a country’s resources, particularly those showcasing the quality of its education system or the level of internationalization. Education can be employed strategically to achieve specific policy goals. Successful examples include cases where domestic development policies leverage knowledge and education, or foreign development aid programs. The overall appeal of educational soft power centers around the ideal of a good life and a forward-looking orientation.
This trend is primarily attributed to substantial transformations in the global economy and a concurrent shift in values that have assumed greater importance in the processes of modernization. Termed the fifth Kondratiev wave, this economic upheaval signifies, among other things, a partial transition from the industrial, petroleum-centric model of production to a knowledge-based approach, particularly in the most advanced nations.6 Within the framework of transitioning to a knowledge-based economy, the role of education becomes increasingly paramount, serving as a crucial factor in steering clear of the widely recognized “middle-income trap.” It stands out as a key catalyst for both economic development and competitiveness. Another vital yet often overlooked facet of nation-building is education.7
A superior education not only plays a substantial role in enhancing the competitiveness of the global economy but also promotes principles such as equal opportunity and the empowerment of marginalized communities. The importance of education is on the ascent, particularly in the context of the globalization of society and the growing importance of knowledge. As scientific advancements and developments in information and communication technology progress, coupled with a heightened acknowledgement by the public of the value of knowledge transcending national borders, knowledge is increasingly assuming a transnational character. Beyond national boundaries, knowledge itself is becoming increasingly transnational.
The exacerbation of these conditions is further fueled by the remarkable expansion of the middle class and the process of urbanization. The surge in knowledge is not only substantial but also rapidly disseminating worldwide. In order to remain competitive in this global pursuit of knowledge, education assumes a pivotal role. Additionally, postmaterialist values are manifested in education that extends beyond the requirements for workforce entry.8 These outcomes have the potential to enhance a nation’s appeal to other countries, thereby bolstering its soft power. We posit that education is assuming an increasingly significant role in international relations, translating into a nation’s soft power amid the ongoing revolution in various aspects of social life. The subsequent sections of the paper delve into the theoretical literature and soft power tools, employed by the People’s Republic of China to influence Pakistan. Consequently, we present our own attempt to first conceptualize and operationalize the educational component of soft power and its application by China in South East Asia, particularly focusing on Pakistan.
Educational programs and exchanges foster knowledge sharing and intellectual collaboration, building positive relationships and mutual understanding between nations.9 This aligns with Joseph Nye’s definition of soft power as the ability to get what you want through attraction rather than coercion. Investments in educational infrastructure and capacity building in other countries can empower individuals and contribute to economic growth, thereby raising a nation’s global image and fostering positive international relations.10 Attracting foreign students and scholars to prestigious universities strengthens a country’s academic reputation, builds global networks, and fosters cultural exchange, all contributing to soft power projection.11 While acknowledging the potential of education as a soft power tool, the literature raises critical concerns. According to Priya Gauttam and colleagues, prioritizing soft power objectives over genuine educational development for partner countries can undermine educational quality and create dependencies.12 Dominant countries wielding education for purely self-interested goals can perpetuate unequal power relations and create resentment in recipient countries.13
Assessing the specific impacts of educational initiatives on soft power remains a complex and contested issue, making it difficult to evaluate the effectiveness of such programs.14 The above discussion demonstrates the intricate relationship between education and soft power in international relations. While education presents a powerful tool for shaping global perceptions and fostering international cooperation, concerns regarding ethical approaches, instrumentalization, and unequal power dynamics require careful consideration. The scope of this research focuses on the educational soft power strategies adopted by China to establish its influence in South East Asia especially in Pakistan. However, further research and policy development should aim to maximize the positive contributions of education as a soft power instrument while mitigating potential pitfalls. Ultimately, the goal is to create a more equitable and collaborative international landscape through knowledge sharing and educational advancements.
Educational Soft Power of China
China ranks among the top five in Indexes of Soft Power.15 In recent decades, China has increasingly used soft power its ability to influence others through attraction and persuasion rather than coercion to advance its international standing. Education plays a crucial role in this strategy, acting as a tool to promote Chinese culture, language, and values, and foster positive perceptions of China globally. China’s desire to return to its national glory, more popularly referred to as the “Chinese Dream,” depends crucially on its power in education with the intention to spread its culture, language, and civilizational concepts.16 The endeavor is not limited only to its western geographical borders rather it extends the wish to hold the leading position in the South East Asia and Pacific region and beyond, forcing other nations to consider the Chinese ideological basis, seeing it as unique. Universities, in this case, are a field in which these diplomatic games take place when international students and scholars make their choices and mentally conceive of what the countries, they will be educated in ultimately represent. Therefore, by educating talented and successful citizens, China activates soft power levers to integrate the hearts and minds of the population. In the future, these are people who will become heads of state, prominent scholars, and successful workers, naturally, they will recall their student years nostalgically.
Tools of Educational Soft Power
The literature identifies the following tools employed by China for its Educational Soft Power
• | Confucius Institutes |
The China-exclusive non-profit organization, Confucius Institutes (CIs), plays a pivotal role in disseminating Chinese language and cultural influence on a global scale. As of 2020, this extensive network had grown to encompass a staggering 541 institutes and 1,170 classroom chains across 162 countries.17 The highest number of CIs, however, falls within Asia (135 institutes and 115 classrooms), with a presence across 39 countries. This is conducive to the international promotion of the Chinese language and culture and the deepening of understanding and friendship between China and other countries. However, language instruction is not the only use of CIs which also have enabled mutual learning and deepening China’s cultural characteristics. These cultural activities create an interface for dialogue and knowledge exchange instead of confinement to dormitories thus facilitating interaction through exchange programs and collaboration with local institutions.
In addition to greater awareness of Chinese history, traditions, and social values among the general public, it is clear that this is a prerequisite to gaining the trust of the international audience. Moreover, Asia is a region with the highest number of CIs: 135 institutes and 115 classrooms are located in 39 countries of Asia. This extensive spread has helped boost awareness and education on Chinese language and culture, thus improving relations between China and other countries. However, the concept of CIs is not restricted to language acquisition only. It also highlighted their broader significance focusing on a mutual exchange of learning and strengthening the cultural characteristics of China.18 Thus, CIs foster dialogue and knowledge sharing by organizing cultural events and activities, student exchange, and cooperation with institutions of the host country.
This helps the world to develop a clearer understanding of Chinese history, culture, and societal norms. Nevertheless, ever since their inception, CIs have not gone without some criticism worthy of mention. Critics argue too much political interference in these institutes, etc. some warn that the curriculum or teaching methods could be ideologically biased.19 The freedom of academics and a balanced perspective on many issues are the key to maintaining and urging the proper functioning of these Institutions. The increase in the number of individuals applying to be granted CI scholarship programs also supports assertions of its global culture.
These programs took more than 8,800 students in year 2016 only thus granting scholarships as well education opportunities in China. This is beneficial because these foreign students bring a diverse experience to Chinese universities through cultural diversity. The profile of China as an education destination cannot be underscored as a substantial number of students from around the world visit China to study. Over the same period of 2000 to 2015, the number of international students in China had tremendously increased from 52,150 to 397,635.20 Despite these measures, this exponential growth points to the fact that China is increasingly becoming an attractive destination for higher education and cultural tourism.
• | Internationalization of Chinese Universities |
There is no doubt that another major destination for international education has been China. The inflow of international students to China increased manifold from 52,150 in 2000 to 397,635 in 2015.21 China has become a highly attractive hub for high-quality education and cultural interchanges; this excellence has been evidenced in this surge. The student profile when looked at more closely shows an Asian majority, making up 60% of the total international student population.22 Recently, an increase in other countries, particularly Europe (17%), Africa (12%), America (9%), and Oceania (1.5%) have also been noted India, Indonesia, Kazakhstan, Pakistan, Thailand, and Vietnam are the regions seeing the most dynamic growth of students.23 The trend demonstrates that China’s educational resources are very attractive to overseas students in surrounding countries, promoting regional cooperation and mutual exchange of knowledge.
One factor fueling this international student wave is the launching of English-taught programs at Chinese universities. There are also more than 100 Chinese universities offering courses taught in English, a growing trend that recognizes the increased significance of English as a lingua franca.24 This strategic move mostly covers a broader international audience, to capture students that are not fluent in Mandarin, including those in Pakistan. China expands its access and appeal to international students as a producer of the world’s education by offering programs in English.25 Chinese universities are also often very keen to adopt various internationalization initiatives. These can be faculty exchanges, joint research, or collaborative degree programs.26 In this context, the collaborative efforts serve to benefit students from both China and abroad through improved learning and to establish stronger academic connections between China and other countries.
• | Scholarship Programs |
Over the period from 2000 to 2015, China has emerged as a popular destination for pursuing higher education. The number of international students in China witnessed a significant surge, skyrocketing from 52,150 to a remarkable 397,635.27 Such massive growth is a testament to China’s increasing allure as a hub of academic learning and cultural interaction. China offers the most diverse scholarship programs for international students considering their commitment to attracting talents. These programs pertain to all academic fields and finance situations so that talent-seeking students from all over the world can come to China for further education. The Chinese Government Scholarship (CGS) under Chinese Scholarship Council (CSC) an International Awards is a fully funded scholarship where all the expenses such as tuition fees, accommodation, and other living costs are covered. This scholarship helps to target and select ingenious students who otherwise would not be able to study in China. Also, partial scholarships such as provincial scholarships and presidential scholarships available at the university level help to contribute towards expenses most often tuition fees, which serve as incentives for international enrollment. These programs are for different academic backgrounds and financial needs of candidates and thus create a pathway for talented students from all around the world to come and study in China. Landing one particular CGS makes it even more tempting as it is full-funded including tuition, accommodation, and living subsidy. The CSC scholarship is meant to reach those top students who may not be able to study in China otherwise because of their financial situation. Moreover, partial scholarships provided by provincial scholarship programs and university-level presidential scholarships may be used for tuition fees, further enticing international students to join universities in these territories.
Apart from these well-known programs, China has other scholarships for different zones or fields of study. This targeted approach helps to avoid the concentration of students from any specific country, making the presence of an international student body in Chinese universities much more diverse and beneficial. China’s scholarship programs serve a dual purpose: contributing to cross-cultural understanding and Chinese university development. Through offering a window for international students to live and learn in China, these programs open up cultural differences and create harmony. After completing a semester abroad, students serve as culture bearers by cultivating positive attitudes towards China in their countries of origin.
China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is an evident example of the country’s strategic input in the global education sector. The BRI promotes economic and educational linkages among the member states. It offers a new strategy to strengthen mutual cultural exchanges between China and BRI countries with increased mobility and increased exchanges in human resources, as over 60% of international students studying in China in 2017 were from BRI regions. China also considers these areas important for future student recruitment. In the instance of Pakistan, a state partner of BRI, China offered scholarships or even, tuition waivers to Pakistani students applying to Chinese universities.28 On the one hand, these state-sponsored initiatives are helping train Pakistanis, especially youth, by giving these opportunities for even higher education and re-establishing a new image of China in the Pakistani mindset.
China’s Influence on Pakistan
This study existing knowledge on China’s higher education programs in Pakistan and identifies the trends, themes, lessons, and gaps that shape the base for future research. China’s impact on higher education in Pakistan outstrips its influence on traditional forms of economic and political engagement. According to the Chinese Ministry of Education website, China experienced a large increase to 489,200 in 2017.29 The exponential expansion indicates an increasing global attractiveness of Chinese education. At a brisk pace, Pakistan became the fourth largest sending country of students in China from the ninth position only a few years ago. In 2016, about 25,000 Pakistani students were studying in China which was among the top ten countries in terms of students’ source.30 The influx of Pakistani students can be seen as a result of lower potential tuition fees for international students, a more expanded range of English language programs, and China’s increasing economic and technological future offering of scholarships to Pakistani students. However, it is important to recognize the constraints that the higher education system in Pakistan has to operate under. A significant challenge lies in the lack of substantial research and development (R&D) funding. This directly impacts facilities and resources in Pakistani universities as in general, they face a challenge in building state-of-the-art labs and the infrastructure that is required to support innovation and development.31 China–Pakistan University Coordination also helps here and these projects and joint ventures provide a valuable source of knowledge exchange. Universities from both countries can also work with each other on research projects. This is where the China–Pakistan university collaborations come in. Moreover, these joint ventures and other initiatives provide a useful architecture for useful sharing of knowledge. Universities of the two countries can enter into partnerships and work together on research projects to benefit from each country’s strengths.
With this deep partnership, Pakistani universities have access to some of the best facilities and expertise within China and Chinese universities are able to incorporate the fresh perspectives and research focus of our Pakistani partners. However, Chinese educational exchange and scholarship programs are also contributing to the development of Pakistani academics as well as reducing the deficit of scientific and technological capabilities in the country. A significant number of Pakistani students are studying under fully funded scholarships through the CSC program only.32 This grant-opportunities boom is a way to easily earn a higher degree in China for Pakistani students with open gates towards state-of-the-art research facilities and accomplished faculty. And when they come back, they will export their knowledge and expertise to fill this gap in the scientific and technological development of Pakistan. Finally, these collaborations assist in the progress of academics and academic and scientific domains are advanced in both Pakistan and China.33
It is part of a broader economic phenomenon that is giving rise to the increasing interest in learning Mandarin. As China seeks to extend its international influence, it more than 90 schools across Pakistan now offer classes in different levels of Chinese, making the language less exotic and more widely available.34 It may be fueled by several things, most obviously a surge in demand due to the fact that winter is on the way. Graduate fluent in Mandarin gives you access to the world of business in China, the fastest-growing economy in the world. In the second place, it allows communication and collaboration with Chinese researchers, highly desirable for joint scientific publications. In conclusion, learning Mandarin affords you a more complete experience of Chinese culture, strengthening relationships between the two nations.
Six leading Chinese institutes are working as Confucius Centers and are promoting the Chinese language and culture in Pakistan. The institutes, which are administered by the Chinese Ministry of Education, are more than just language classes but are meant to be hubs for cultural exchange, offering all kinds of programming. CIs offer a multitude of courses for beginners to advanced levels, coupled with differing durations. They offer programs for those focused on providing general business communication skills to those students wanting to reach fluency. Furthermore, a large number of students have taken advantage of the training offered by these CIs and have also participated in the annual Chinese Proficiency Test (HSK). A standardized test for the Mandarin language is useful for students to assess progress and demonstrate language skills to future employers or universities. Nonetheless, there was a troubling drop in HSK test takers during the COVID-19 pandemic, a primarily bearish signal. The factors that contribute to this decline could be further examined to examine the extent to which global events backlash educational exchange programs.
The segments benefiting from these education transformations by China in Pakistan are students and academics. These programs allow open channels between the Chinese education system and their own, further encouraging exposure to language, culture, and even possible career prospects. Pakistani students can become fluent in Mandarin through language acquisition programs. It affords the fluent user access to a broader swath of the academic literature, engagement with Chinese scientific institutions, and much more. In addition, a good command of Mandarin can also expand the job market in the booming hub of the world in the form of economy-heavy China enticing Pakistani students with greater horizons.
Over the past few years, thousands of Pakistani students and researchers from across disciplines and regions have been going to Chinese universities by virtue of educational exchange programs and programs arranged by the CIs which helps in understanding the culture better. It enables a better cross-cultural comprehension and improves the relationship between the two nations. Although these initiatives provide undoubted advantages, some apprehensions remain. We need to make sure academic discourse continues to be an open, free exchange of ideas in the broader educational system. In addition, concerns of how ideologically prime the curriculum and teaching methods should have to be answered. Overall, China’s educational initiatives in Pakistan present a valuable opportunity for students and academics. However, it’s important to acknowledge and address existing concerns to ensure a truly enriching and intellectually stimulating educational experience for all parties involved.
The strategic use of educational soft power shows that it is a complicated undertaking having multiple facets and intrinsic advantages and disadvantages so, here both factors cannot be isolated. A notable example is the network of Confucian Institutes serving as cultural hubs, these centers provide Pakistani youth with access to Chinese culture. By means of colorful language lessons, cultural events such as film festivals traditional art demonstrations, and scholarship programs, CIs offers an avenue for Pakistani students to enrich their knowledge and understanding of Chinese cultural values. However, doubts have been raised about the possible indoctrination, or a whitewash presentation, of an officially approved version of Chinese society with the new curriculum as well.
More than the university partnership, University engagement built an important pillar in Chinese educational soft power leadership. These include collaboration agreements, joint research initiatives and exchanges of staff. This collaborative effort ensures that Pakistani and Chinese institutions benefit from a rich exchange of knowledge and understanding. Chinese students get to experience state-of-the-art research resources and top-level faculty in Pakistan, while students from Pakistan bring new insights and skills to their peers in China. At its core, this cooperation can result in new research ideas and more holistic recognition of one another. But these collaborations have also been met with apprehension over their implications for the content of curricula at Pakistani universities, which some say is expected to endure a level of academic overdependence on China.
The last important factor is the internationalization efforts of a few Chinese universities. This is also something that the institutions are actively updating, adding English-taught programs. This initiative would open new vistas for Pakistani students who are not necessarily well versed in Mandarin but are looking for top-class academic qualifications and international exposure. Besides, acquiring a degree from a well-known university in China could prepare Pakistani graduates with some extra skills to become a better candidate for better employment opportunities. Nevertheless, cultural acclimation for Pakistani students is still easier due to a variety of reasons, residing and studying in a world power like China. Further, the arrival of Pakistani students at Chinese universities makes these folks compete for Pakistani students too, which eventually leaves a great effect on the Pakistani institutions. A comprehensive understanding of diverse tools and their multiple effects would provide one with a mosaic view of China’s educational soft power strategy in Pakistan. We also need to keep a balanced view of the record, seeing the advantages and disadvantages of these projects. This understanding is the difference between a constructive and conducive educational exchange and helps in increasing cultural understanding and beneficial educational development in the long run between both countries of China and Pakistan.
China’s educational soft power initiatives in Pakistan paint a complex picture, presenting both promising opportunities and potential pitfalls for Pakistani students, universities, and the nation as a whole. These initiatives offer huge benefits to the students and graduates of Pakistan. A better understanding of culture would further elevate Sino-Pak brotherly relations, it would encourage tolerance and respect. Learning Mandarin fluently opens up for Pakistani graduates a variety of jobs not only in China’s growing economy but also with Chinese companies working around the world.
In addition, the increasing Chinese University and information infrastructure in Pakistan provide a great opportunity for collaboration and sharing of knowledge. Chinese students get exposure to specialized research areas and Pakistani students enjoy state-of-the-art research facilities and experienced faculty of Chinese universities. The sharing of this information sparks innovation in two countries. Specific to Pakistan, creating these educational resources also leads to building the educational infrastructure of the country itself, resulting in better education quality. Furthermore, investment in educational initiatives in Pakistan offers a clear Eastern commitment to the world as a potential future global leader. Which aims to establish China as a hub of world-class education and research through international partnerships and exchange of ideas and education.
Nevertheless, while evidence suggests many positives, it is important not to overlook the limitations and apprehensions of the Chinese educational soft power strategy in Pakistan. The risk of ideological conditioning, thus the rationale for the lack of scholarships for those who are not ethnically Chinese in origin, has to be given due consideration. Cultural exchange is a great thing but it is important if Pakistani institutions are showing both sides of the curriculum. One among other much greater worries is that universities in Pakistan will be accused of being imperceptibly academically dependent on Chinese-run partnerships. Strong supervision and transparent deals are imperative to ensure that Pakistani universities do not lose their grip over the kinds of curricula and new teaching methods that are prevalent in Western universities. This, the existing difference in resources between Chinese universities and Pakistani institutes could lead to an increase in brain drain. The best possible answer to attracting talented Pakistani students back to China could be the exposure they will get to the good facilities of Chinese universities and learning centers. To curb this, measures could be adopted so that graduates prefer to come back to their native country to bring into play what they have learned.
China’s educational soft power initiatives in Pakistan leave a complex imprint on the nation. The students and academics involved in exchange programs, summer break ventures, or joint research projects have personal experiences that color the views they form on the Chinese educational system, cultural values or social realities. This gives great lateral insights compared to the general public who creates its image of China on the basis of second-hand information. While what demystifies the Chinese for the Pakistani may be the media or interaction with Chinese tourists and the cultural programs or personal contacts with Pakistani graduates from China, this could vary substantially from the perceptions of those involved in the educational exchange themselves.
Moreover, the reasons behind the educational embrace differ between the partners. Pakistan intends to use this cooperation to improve its education, enter into quality higher education, and engage economically with China. Collaborations with Chinese institutions can help in improving the technological and research potential of Pakistan. China, conversely, has a comprehensive approach. The goal is to build goodwill and promote Pakistani goodwill, and its soft power in terms of education and cultural influence. In the end, China tries to mold that perception of itself in the mind of Pakistani society. These initiatives owe much of their success or failure to the domestic political and economic contexts of each country. The desire of individual states to avoid involvement with the Taliban, and the need to build a “global coalition” against terrorism renders all modes of virtually costless educational collaboration massively problematic because the political priority of educational collaboration can simply become more expendable as political priorities shift toward these higher-impact areas or the more determined enemies of the United States.35 Trade or investment may fluctuate and the way in which the public perceives Sino-Pak relationships in terms of their success can be affected in other areas. Similarly, changing political priorities within each nation can determine the level of support and enthusiasm for these initiatives. There is also an important national sentiment from the social opinion and the national culture. Public opinion catchments, in any country, produce fabrics of current levels of interest for tying the educational knot or of low thirst for such ties.
Opportunities and Challenges
China’s educational soft power initiatives in Pakistan leave a multifaceted mark on the nation. Direct engagement with the Chinese educational system equips Pakistani students and academics with valuable tools. In addition to winning over the Western nation, direct interaction with the Chinese educational system provides Pakistan students and academician with intrinsic assets. They are positioned for success as they come in with more language skills, some cultural understanding, and career opportunities in the fastest-growing economy in the world. However, there remain some worries about academic autonomy among Pakistani institutions joining with Chinese institutions and bias in the curriculum.36
Several factors contribute to the growing popularity of Chinese education among Pakistani youth. The ever-increasing demand for higher education in Pakistan, coupled with the infrastructure improvements brought about by the BRI, creates a fertile ground for collaboration. Additionally, the development of people-to-people ties fosters a more positive perception of China. BRI not only creates new universities but also upgrades existing ones in Pakistan, leading to a more modern and attractive educational landscape. This, combined with the competitive cost of education in China and scholarships like the Confucius Scholarship, makes Chinese universities a compelling option for Pakistani students. Collaboration between Pakistani and Chinese universities through joint research projects opens doors for knowledge exchange across various disciplines. This cross-pollination fosters scientific and technological advancements for both nations. Furthermore, CIs play a crucial role in promoting the Chinese language and culture in Pakistan. Their activities deepen understanding and spark interest among Pakistanis in China. The impact of China’s educational soft power extends beyond the immediate circle of students and academics directly involved. Media portrayals, interactions with Chinese graduates returning to Pakistan, and evolving societal perceptions all contribute to a broader societal shift. This indirect exposure to Chinese culture and values underscores the far-reaching effects of China’s educational soft power strategy in Pakistan.37
Despite all the advantages of China’s educational landscape attracting so many Pakistani students, such conditions come with a set of obstacles. The most common include the fear that academic programs will be controlled to reflect Chinese values, sensitive topics that Chinese universities exploit, the concern that Pakistani teachers will be deprived of the freedom to do research, uncertainty about most Chinese university programs’ quality, and a couple more. There may be some fear that the education and learning plans slide will often have any ideological influence over this head with a large number involving Pakistan college students.38 A significant barrier to entry is also the language since only a small fraction of Pakistanis speak Mandarin. Moreover, the project’s possibility to continue highly depends on Chinese financial support and may not be sustainable long term. All of this, combined with the challenges presented toward transparency academic freedom and cooperation with China, poses serious drawbacks to further work and needs to be addressed properly. Partnerships with Chinese institutions raise issues relating to the autonomy and academic freedom of Pakistani universities in some cases.39
Several key points should be kept in mind while exploring the Chinese adherence to the future of educational soft power in China of Pakistan. First of all, there is dialogue and transparency. This means ensuring open communication and fair academic practices in partnerships and scholarship programs, fostering trust and mutual understanding. The second-order is striking balance between mutual interest is also crucial. While the Chinese are responsible for China’s ambitions, they need to align their objectives with what Pakistan needs and wants to do in the world. Third, by propelling critical thinking citizens and scholars of both nations must be willing to embrace, test, and construct multivocal epistemologies and knowledge. Students and faculty from both countries should be encouraged to engage critically with diverse perspectives and knowledge systems, fostering intellectual independence and open-mindedness. Finally, monitoring the long-term impact of educational exchanges is vital. This includes assessing the effects on individuals, institutions, and societies in both countries, allowing for adjustments and improvements over time. By prioritizing these key considerations, China and Pakistan can ensure that their educational exchange programs contribute to positive and sustainable outcomes for both nations.
Conclusion
The educational soft power of China in Pakistan is subject to furthering and deeper exploration. Further work may include longer-term impact studies of Pakistani students and institutions, comparative analyses of China’s work on international higher education in this field, examination of academic autonomy and freedom within these partnerships, and more extensive consideration of the source of ethical problems associated with Chinese Pakistani academic exchange, including cultural bias and data security. A brief look at the ethical questions surrounding China’s educational soft power, both concerning cultural imperialism and implications of data collection. To fill these gaps identified in the research this will help understand the full scale of Chinese influence in Pakistan’s education sector and its probable consequences.
Considering the nuanced effects of China’s educational soft power on Pakistan, it poses the potential for beneficial opportunities in higher education, knowledge acquisition and cultural exchange coupled with distinct disadvantages such as control over the curriculum and academic freedom, as well as quality-related concerns. Pakistan in this respect is left to balance the aforementioned pros and cons by exploiting the maximum benefits of the Chinese opportunity of education. Certainly, that nation projects its educational tentacles and cultural hegemony through instruments like CIs, joint universities, scholarships, and internationally oriented educational programs. This initiative provides an opportunity for Pakistanis to acquire better skills, assimilate to the new culture, and explore new work options, the apprehensions about possible ideological side effects, violations of academic freedom and brain drain are not unfounded. While the effect on society as a whole is even less direct the change in the way it percolates through media coverage, interactions between students, and influence on popular culture may also contribute to understanding and acceptance. For Pakistani students and academics, engagement with Chinese education offers valuable skill development, cultural understanding, and career prospects. However, concerns regarding potential ideological influence, limitations on academic freedom, and brain drain necessitate careful consideration of trade. In addition, the internal environments in the two countries also contribute to the acceptance as well as the effectiveness of their soft power deployment.
In this regard, with reference to Pakistan, there is a need to highlight the future prospects of China’s educational soft power. Transparency and openness around the issues are key and trust can add to persuading that academic matters are fair. Additionally, the parties must come to and remain in a win–win agreement. In addition, there must be the encouragement of critical thinking for future developments. It is necessary to cultivate academic freedom and an objective and academically responsible attitude towards learning. Finally, monitoring the long-term impact of these initiatives on individuals, institutions, and societies allows for ongoing evaluation and adjustments. The success of China’s educational soft power in Pakistan hinges on responsible engagement, mutual respect, and a commitment to fostering genuine cultural exchange and knowledge sharing. By addressing the identified challenges and prioritizing transparent collaboration, both countries can harness the potential of education for positive long-term outcomes and a strengthened relationship.
Notes
1 Joseph S. Nye Jr., Soft Power: The Means to Achieve Goals Without Coercion (New York: Public Affairs, 2004), p. 68.
2 Joseph S. Nye Jr., Soft Power: The Means to Achieve Goals Without Coercion (New York: Public Affairs, 2004), pp. 10–20.
3 Agnieszka Wojciuk, Marek Michałek, and Małgorzata Stormowska, “Education as a Source and Tool of Soft Power in International Relations,” European Political Science, Vol. 14, No. 3 (2015), pp. 298–317.
4 Ibid.
5 Ibid.
6 Chris Freeman and Francisco Louçã, As Time Goes By: From the Industrial Revolutions to the Information Revolution (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001); Carlota Perez, Technological Revolutions and Financial Capital: The Dynamics of Bubbles and Golden Ages (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing, 2002).
7 Andy Green, Education and State Formation: Europe, East Asia and the USA (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013).
8 Ronald Inglehart and Christian Welzel, Modernization, Cultural Change, and Democracy: The Human Development Sequence (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005).
9 Philip G. Altbach, Higher Education and World Affairs: Globalization, Competitiveness, and Soft Power (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004).
10 Priya Gauttam et al., “Education as a Soft Power Resource: A Systematic Review,” Heliyon, Vol. 10, No. 1 (January 2024), e23736, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.heliyon.2023.e23736.
11 Muhammad Mussa Khan, Riaz Ahmad, and Lloyd W. Fernald, “Diplomacy and Education: A Systematic Review of Literature,” Global Social Sciences Review, Vol. 5, No. 3 (Summer 2020), pp. 1–9.
12 Priya Gauttam et al., “Education as a Soft Power Resource: A Systematic Review,” Heliyon, Vol. 10, No. 1 (January 2024), e23736, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.heliyon.2023.e23736.
13 Aidarbek Amirbek and Kanat Ydyrys, “Education as a Soft Power Instrument of Foreign Policy,” Procedia — Social and Behavioral Sciences, Vol. 143 (August 2014), pp. 501–503.
14 Philip G. Altbach, Higher Education and World Affairs: Globalization, Competitiveness, and Soft Power (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004) pp. 10–20.
15 Agnieszka Wojciuk, Marek Michałek, and Małgorzata Stormowska, “Education as a Source and Tool of Soft Power in International Relations,” European Political Science, Vol. 14, No. 3 (2015), p. 303.
16 Shifei Duan and Feng Qiu, “China’s Soft Power and Higher Education in South Asia: Rationale, Strategies and Implications,” Asia Pacific Journal of Education, Vol. 43, No. 3 (2023), pp. 944–947.
17 Maria Siow, “What Does US Confucius Institute Move Mean for Chinese Soft Power in Asia?” South China Morning Post, August 23, 2020, https://www.scmp.com/week-asia/politics/article/3098396/what-does-us-confucius-institute-move-mean-chinese-soft-power.
18 Ibid.
19 Muhammad Mussa Khan, Riaz Ahmad, and Lloyd W. Fernald, “Diplomacy and Education: A Systematic Review of Literature,” Global Social Sciences Review, Vol. 5, No. 3 (Summer 2020), p. 5.
20 Zhaohui Yang and Hans de Wit, “International Students in China: Facts, Paths, and Challenges,” International Higher Education, No. 97 (Spring 2019), pp. 18–20.
21 Ibid.
22 Ibid.
23 Ibid.
24 Sadaf Butt, Muhammad Rizwan, and Muhammad Naveed Akhtar, “A Study of Pakistan–China Collaboration for the Elevation of Higher Education,” International Research Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities, Vol. 2, No. 2 (July–December 2023), pp. 271–285.
25 Ibid.
26 Philip G. Altbach and Hans de Wit, “Engaging with China: The Higher Education Dilemma,” International Higher Education, No. 107 (Summer 2021), pp. 13–15.
27 Zhou Yang and Hans de Wit, “International Students in China: Facts, Paths, and Challenges,” International Higher Education, No. 97 (Spring 2019), pp. 18–20.
28 Muhammad Mussa Khan, Riaz Ahmad, and Lloyd W. Fernald, “Diplomacy and Education: A Systematic Review of Literature,” Global Social Sciences Review, Vol. 5, No. 3 (Summer 2020), pp. 5–6.
29 Chinese Ministry of Education, “Number of International Students in China Continues to Rise,” April 3, 2018, http://en.moe.gov.cn/News/Top_News/201804/t20180403_332258.html.
30 Ibid.
31 Niamatullah Baloch et al., “Faculty Research Productivity: Differences Between Foreign and Local Doctoral Degree Holders in Pakistan,” Higher Education, Vol. 82, No. 2 (July 2021), pp. 203–225.
32 Rashid Latief and Lin Lefen, “Analysis of Chinese Government Scholarship for International Students Using Analytical Hierarchy Process (AHP),” Sustainability, Vol. 10, No. 7 (July 2018), p. 2112, https://doi.org/10.3390/su10072112.
33 Safina Bibi and Shahida Amaan, “Enhancing Pakistan–China Cooperation in Higher Education,” Journal of Higher Education and Development Studies, Vol. 2, No. 1 (2022), pp. 17–34.
34 Diaa Hadid and Abdul Sattar, “Life Along Pakistan’s Mountain Highway Where China Is Investing Billions of Dollars,” National Public Radio, December 14, 2019, https://www.npr.org/2019/12/14/787220664/life-along-pakistans-mountain-highway-where-china-is-investing-billions-of-dolla.
35 James D. Fearon and David D. Laitin, “Violence and the Social Construction of Ethnic Identity,” International Organization, Vol. 54, No. 4 (Autumn 2000), pp. 845–877.
36 Hasnain Raza, Anwar Ali, Nazia Rafiq, Liu Xing, Tahseen Asif, and Chengjie Jing, “Comparison of Higher Education in Pakistan and China: A Sustainable Development in Student’s Perspective,” Sustainability, Vol. 15, No. 5 (2023), p. 4327, https://doi.org/10.3390/su15054327.
37 Muhammad Asif Noor, “China–Pakistan Educational and Cultural Cooperation Under the Belt and Road Initiative,” Pacific International Journal, Vol. 6, No. S1 (2022), pp. 40–45.
38 Ibid.
39 Sadaf Bashir, Shabana Noreen, and Muhammad Bilal Awan, “China–Pakistan Economic Corridor and Collaboration in Higher Education: Trends, Perspectives and Prospects,” Journal of Positive School Psychology, Vol. 6, No. 11 (2022), pp. 147–158.