China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies

This paper examines the partiality of the Xi administration’s foreign aid policy (FAP) reform. China has established the China International Development Cooperation Agency (CIDCA) to reform its foreign aid management system while continuing the loan-for-oil model within the framework of South–South Cooperation. By applying the cognitive theory of international regimes, this paper explores the reform and continuity of China’s FAP. It finds that although national interests drive China’s foreign aid, the reform of China’s FAP is the result of idea learning. China’s learning of ideas from developed donor countries explains its FAP reform, as evidenced by the establishment of CIDCA. In contrast, its adherence to domestic ideas explains the continuity of the loan-for-oil model. The ideas of recipient countries serve as secondary learning sources for China, but China only made appropriate policy adjustments based on their feedback.

Focusing on the US–China rivalry in the Horn of Africa (HoA), this study investigates the geoeconomic implications of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on long-standing US preeminence, using offensive realism as a theoretical lens. Based on an in-depth literature review and using a qualitative research approach, the authors examine Beijing’s growing geoeconomic engagement with the HoA and its consequences for great power competition on the African continent. It examines the strengths and weaknesses of President Biden’s Build Back Better World (B3W), a development initiative designed to counter China’s BRI economic influence on the HoA. The study concludes that both the BRI and B3W initiatives and their implementation strategies demonstrate that both Beijing and Washington have strong national interests in the HoA regions, resulting in fierce geopolitical competition.

This study investigates Beijing’s use of educational initiatives as a tool for soft power in Pakistan. It explores how these initiatives influence various stakeholders within Pakistan. The research employs a descriptive analysis approach. It examines the mechanisms China utilizes through its educational system to build relationships with Pakistan, promote Chinese culture, and shape Pakistani perceptions of China. Beijing leverages its educational system through four key mechanisms to exert soft power in Pakistan. Confucius Institutes offer Chinese language courses and cultural events, fostering direct engagement with Chinese culture. University partnerships facilitate knowledge exchange and joint research collaboration between Chinese and Pakistani universities. Scholarship programs attract Pakistani students to study in China, providing them with language skills, cultural understanding, and potential career opportunities. Finally, the internationalization of Chinese universities, offering English-taught programs, makes them more accessible to Pakistani students. The impact of these initiatives varies across stakeholder groups. Students and academics directly benefit by gaining language skills, cultural understanding, and potential career opportunities. However, concerns exist about ideological influence, academic freedom, and brain drain. Broader Pakistani society experiences indirect exposure through media, interactions with graduates, and changing perceptions of China.

Understanding the strategic mindset of the United States and China is essential, as their military behavior has significant global implications. The study employs a cultural approach to examine how historical, geographical, and ideological factors shape their strategic-military decisions. By addressing the central research question: how do the strategic cultures of the United States and China influence their preferences for using military force? This paper seeks to reveal the main differences in American and Chinese approaches to the use of military force. The time frame of analysis is limited to the 21st century, a period marked by China’s undeniable rise as a global power and the renewed significance of cultural theorizing in international relations scholarship. The findings underscore that the ideological underpinnings and operational behavior of both superpowers are pivotal in shaping their security perceptions and influencing patterns of military force application. By examining these elements, this study aims to enhance our understanding of how the distinct strategic mindsets of these superpowers impact their interactions on the global stage and inform their responses to various security challenges.

This paper examines the main defense activities between China and Russia since 2014 that led to the growing ties between Chinese and Russian militaries, manifested by increasing arms trade, technology transfer, and bilateral military exercises. Closer cooperation has resulted in deeper integration of the two armies into a common defense space, paving the way for a quasi-military union between Russia and China in the future, as the two countries’ threat perceptions have worsened. Their continued military and defense collaboration and shared interests in a less-American order will have far-reaching implications for the security architectures in both Asia–Pacific and Eastern Europe.