China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies

The early third millennium AD witnessed the outbreak of global crises and challenges that exposed the weaknesses of the possible unilateral order and the negative aspects of globalization. This led to a widespread debate among international relations thinkers about the transition period and the future of world order. The recent occurrence of two major global crises, namely, the COVID-19 pandemic and the war in Ukraine, has accelerated this transition period, prompting representatives of different schools of international relations to think through various scenarios for the future of world order. These scenarios can be classified into several categories, including the revival of the unipolar order with new characteristics, multipolar order, new bipolar order, non-polar world, and the emergence of multiple regional hegemonies. However, due to the differences and gaps in the consolidation of power centers, as well as the lack of agreement on international norms, it is unlikely that any of these scenarios will be realized in the short term. In the absence of a pervasive, tangible threat or a fundamental shift in political culture, the rules and structures of the old order will persist, albeit in a weakened state. This will prolong the transition period and heighten instability. Thus, it is crucial to manage this transition peacefully by fostering regional alliances, while honoring the cultural and civilizational differences of the key players. Ultimately, a new world order can only emerge through dialog among major powers and consensus on the rules that will shape the international system. Until that time, the global community must prioritize maintaining stability and navigating the transition to ensure a peaceful evolution toward the future order.

This study examines China’s energy security strategy in Central Asia through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and Green BRI. The examination extends while integrating two theories, i.e., Energy Securitization and Complex Interdependence. By analyzing China’s investments in renewable and non-renewable energy projects, this research assesses how they enhance regional connectivity, foster economic cooperation, and contribute to China’s energy security. A strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats (SWOT) analysis reveals both the strengths and weaknesses of China’s energy strategy, highlighting opportunities for sustainable development and challenges posed by geopolitical factors. The findings suggest that while the BRI is a critical tool for China’s energy security, careful strategic planning and collaboration with Central Asian countries are essential to mitigate risks and maximize benefits. The study acknowledges the complex interplay of economic, political, and environmental constraints and concludes by highlighting the need for joint policy initiatives to promote mutual energy security, sustainability, and regional stability.

The Sino-Albanian partnership was a unique Cold War alliance between two communist states. Albania desired independence from the Soviet Union, while China aspired to increase its influence, resulting in an alliance based on shared interests. China saw an opportunity to set up a presence in Europe and prove the global reach of Maoist philosophy. This paper investigates the influence of China’s Cultural Revolution on religious practices and policies in Albania, a country that, under Enver Hoxha’s leadership, pursued its own path of secularization and state atheism. The intensity of these efforts had far-reaching and long-lasting effects on religious life, cultural habits, and the social fabric of both countries. Following the conclusion of the Cultural Revolution in China and the ideological transition in Albania after the fall of communism, both countries saw a comeback of religious rituals. This research will highlight China’s and Albania’s comparable but varied approaches to reintegrating religious activities into their communities, not only as a return to tradition, but also as a complex interaction of cultural identity, social necessities, and political aims.

It has been a subject of considerable scholarly interest ever since the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Israel signed the Abraham Accords brokered President of the United States in September 2020. However, little has been written about the impact of the Accords on China’s belt and road initiative (BRI) in the Middle East. Both scholars and politicians, including the Chinese leadership, have welcomed the move, but U.S. involvement in the implementation of the deal has raised some doubts. Since the United States openly opposes the BRI and overcoming China is one of the goals of its foreign policy. Under U.S. pressure, Israel has scrapped several agreements with China. The study examines how the Abraham Accords can escape the U.S. control trap against China’s BRI in the Middle East. It concludes that it is difficult for these countries to avoid U.S. influence, but that any country that has previously held bilateral talks with China will have to persuade the United States to abide by their previous agreements.

China plays a significant role in Afghan reconstruction through its economic and political leverage. Consecutive Afghan governments have granted China a unique position in their foreign policies. During the Republic era, China’s diplomatic endeavors in Afghanistan primarily focused on addressing security concerns and acting as a broker between the Afghan government and the Taliban. The complete withdrawal of U.S. troops and the Taliban’s return to power in August 2021 presented a new opportunity for China in Afghanistan. While China is eager to monitor security dynamics and access untapped natural resources, the Taliban-led government seeks to gain China’s economic and political support. However, Afghanistan–China relations may lose momentum under the Islamic Emirate, as both sides remain focused on their respective objectives. In the long run, a strategic partnership will be necessary to address China’s security concerns and lay the foundations for Afghanistan’s economic growth. The Taliban government needs to adopt moderate policies conducive to promoting peace, stability, and regional interactions to incentivize Chinese investment in Afghan reconstruction. As a major regional and global power, China can leverage its influence to implement trust-building measures and generate regional consensus to avert a proxy conflict in Afghanistan.